• Proceedings of the Korea Contents Association Conference
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• 2007.11a
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• pp.751-754
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• 2007

This research executes recognition research on politics realities to highschool students. Their evaluation under 60 point was 48.5%, between 61 and 70 was 36.5%. It shows that most high school students recognize that politics realities is not good. Specially, evaluation of qualities of politician under 60 points was 63.1%. On the other hand, the biggest problem which they think was politicians. This response was 64.1%, it's the highest rate. And they response that the thing needed for developing our country were : first, improvement of politician's qualities, it's 64.1%. second, changing politics culture, it's 11.2%, third, improving government system, it's 9.5%. fourth, reforming politics system. It tells us most respondents think that politicians should improve their qualities. And in question for improving awareness of politics of young people, they answered visiting a political party(26.7%), education of politics (24.1%), a mock politics programs(21.9%).

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.44 no.3
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• pp.240-259
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• 2009

This study aimed to reveal that a local city was recreated by tourism, and to discover a general process in which the regional identity as a tourist destination was reconstructed. Specifically, firstly, this study suggested that the social construction of cultural tourist destinations was composed of a series of dynamic stages such as 'reinterpretation', 'institutionalization', and 'recognition' conceptually. Secondly, the dynamic stages were analyzed on the ethnographic study of Otaru where the movement of preservation of the historical canal was raised and strategies to attract tourism had been implemented. Thirdly, a main mechanism acting on each stage was examined. In conclusion, it was shown that the region was reinterpreted through the politics of identity and the meaning was institutionalized through political and economic negotiation. Moreover, while being established as a constructed authenticity by politics of memory, the regional identity was embedded in the socio-spatial consciousness constantly.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.37 no.4
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• pp.439-451
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• 2013

This study used Chinese female college students as subjects to classify the components of the Korean national image as well as understand the recognition difference of country image factors and Korean fashion images; in addition, it examined the differences of the effect of Korean national image factors on the Korean fashion attitudes of Chinese female college students. A SPSS 18.0 statistic program with factor analysis, Cronbach's ${\alpha}$, paired t-test, multiple regression analysis, frequency analysis and ${\chi}^2$-test was used. The results are: First, it was shown that there are six factors: culture-society, economy, products, sports, politics, and technology. Second, the recognition difference on the six factors were significantly higher for products, politics, technology, economy, culture-society, and sports, respectively. Third, the difference of Korean fashion images showed that they recognize design uniqueness and diversity to choose styles preferentially. Fourth, the purchase intention was significant in the order of culture-society, products, politics, and sports, and recognition affects culture-society, sports, and products, respectively. Fifth, they prefer THE E-LAND GROUP, Beaucre Merchandising, and The Basic House the most and show a strong purchase intention. The analysis also showed that other various brands that are also recognized. These study results can provide Korean fashion companies with useful implications for marketing.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.686-704
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• 2015

As mass media has come to intervene with politics in a more proactive way during modern times, the image of a politician has evolved into a more relevant factor compared with political content. This phenomenon is known as "image politics", and such externalized images as non-verbal cues have grown in importance, along with the numbers of female politicians. Thus image strategy has been instituted as a major research theme in the field of political marketing, especially for female politicians. In accordance with this theme, this study aims to approach fashion as part of image strategy of female politicians, in order to reemphasize political fashion as a valuable resource. The methodologies employed in this study are based on both the literature and positive research. Female politicians have long utilized fashion styles that are, or are assumed to be, the most appealing to their target base of support in a predominantly male-centered sector. In this sense, appropriate choices in the usage of apparel items, colors, hair styles, accessories, and others according to each situation and respective hierarchies are of the utmost importance. When attending official ceremonies and other related meetings, the strategic superiority afforded to a scientific approach based on thorough fashion research, compared with personal taste is imperative. The significance of this study lies within the recognition of the importance of fashion image, and how to utilize fashion for image strategy in practice, through the investigative synthesis and review of major preceding research.

• Strategy21
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• s.31
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• pp.164-189
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• 2013

Last December, the Abe government came back, and it is critical core of Northeast Asia. They visited to Yasukuni Shrine, denied to Korea's invasion and they are denying all of their invasion history. I'm afraid they want to take Dokdo. Dokdo is Korean territory, but Japan politics assert it belongs to them. To make matters worse, they are waiting an opportunity to invade. Ministry of Foreign Affair blue paper and Ministry of Defense white paper have claimed Dokdo as Japanese territory, and many right wing politicians are taking part in the Cabinet. Liberal Democratic Party of Japan is becoming more right wing politicians than before by Japan Restoration Party, and the others also have more right wing ideologies. It can't control Japan right wing political parties. They finally aim to take Dokdo. In this situation, we have to defend Dokdo. Japan must be very important partner for our nation's development. But it is necessary to trust between two countries. Dokdo is effective controlled by Korea. It is the best way how to keep Dokdo. During Dokdo is effective controlled by Korea, the Japanese Government has limited Dokdo's ownership. Now we don't have any way to keep Dokdo except more effective control. We have strategies about Japanese claim of Dokdo's ownership as follows. First, we can overpower Japan right wing politics as Japan conscientious force's ideology. Second, Japan politics say to Dokdo's ownership is based on The San Francisco Treaty. But it is not right. Third, we have to exchange a lot of local government and civic society in Japan. Finally, we must prepare thoroughly to bring the matter to the International Court of Justice.

• 지역과문화
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.25-53
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• 2021

Based on the assumption that understandings and practices have been shifted in accordance with the historical context, this study aims to propose future policies to localize cultural diversity. First, in this study, it is necessary for the concept of cultural diversity, which came from political struggles, to understand and practice cultural diversity in the historical context by analyzing the multilayer aspects of policy practices. Second, through the case study of Jeonlabuk-do, by reviewing the discrimination experienced by social minorities and the perception of professionals related to culture policies in the region, this study represents to understand and practice of cultural diversity in the multi-layed way, even in the local. Lastly, it suggests some specific future policies to be considered when implicating the policies of culture diversity in respond to the limits of current government policies, including: decentralization of policies, enhancing local policies, transition from 'politics of distribution' to 'politics of recognition', an interculturalist approach that promotes contact rather than separation

• 제어로봇시스템학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2003.10a
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• pp.1788-1793
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• 2003

The present of state is situation that is realized by necessity of maintenance of public security about great many information is real condition been increasing continually in knowledge info-age been situating in wide field of national defense, public peace, banking, politics, education etc. Also, loss or forgetfulness, and peculation by ID for individual information and number increase of password in Internet called that is sea of information is resulting various social problem. By alternative about these problem, including Biometrics, several authentication systems through sign(Signature), Smart Card, Watermarking technology are developed. Therefore, This paper shows that extract factor that efficiency can get into peculiar feature in physical features for good fingerprint recognition algorithm implementation with old study finding that take advantage of special quality of these fingerprint.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.103-128
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• 2008

King Jeongjo had lost his father, Sado-Seja(Prince Sado) by Noron(Older Faction). Especially those who tried to kill Sado-Seja and king Jeongjo consisted of king's family-in-law of king Youngjo and Sado-Seja. Therefore king Jeongjo's first goal was to strengthen his kingship than other things because he could gain the throne overcoming the strong hinderance of Noron and king's family-in-law. King Jeongjo requested his subjects to be "Kukbyon-In"(國邊人: a person for king) pointing out the harm of the king's family-in-law and "Tangpyong-Dang"(蕩平黨: the strongest faction consisted under the rule of king Youngjo). For the purpose, king Jeongjo built up "Gyujang-Gak". Gyujang-Gak was spoken to contain and protect the writings of earlier kings superficially, but in reality, it was an apparatus to gain and train the friendly subjects for king Jeongjo. Like that, it was the most important for king Jeongjo to suppress the king's family-in-low and to win Neo-Confucian lterati over to himself's side. Until now, the politics of Joseon Dynasty had been mainly explained on the point of view of "Seonghak-Non"(聖學論). "Seonghak-Non" means that Neo-Confucian lterati were treated as real hero, not kings in the political space of Joseon Dynasty and the role of factions were recognized important. But king Jeongjo denied these ideological stream and tried to change that political system. King Jeongjo wanted to strengthen the throne through the method which insisted the king as a hero in politics. For the purpose, king Jeongjo criticized the Neo-Confucian literati's viewpoint about politics and learning at that time and anticipated to be sole leader of politics and learning on that critique. King Jeongjo aimed to destroy the dignity of "Salim"(山林: Neo-Confucian Sages) with attacking their wrong behaviors. King Jeongjo also criticized the period of king Injo when the regime of "Sarim"(士林: pure Neo-Confucian lterati) faction fully appeared as the starting period when the factional harms were getting worse. King Jeongjo wanted to previously block the oppositions to win subjects over to himself's side with criticizing the period of king Injo and to take away the initiative from his opponents with insisting "Salim-Muyongnon"(山林無用論: a theory ignoring Neo-Confucian Sages). King Jeongjo's critique was not limited just on the system of factional politics. "Seonghak-Non" eventually took root in Neo-Confucianism. Therefore king Jeongjo criticized Neo-Confucianism. He insisted that the essence of Chinese Classics was pragmatical learning, not Neo-Confucianism. Through that critique, king Jeongjo aimed to destroy the ideological base of his opponents. However, king Jeongjo failed to be a sole leader of his subjects in the both boundaries of politics and learning even though he criticized the Neo-Confucian lterati's viewpoint about politics and learning. Because he abruptly died leaving his reformational scheme behind as well as his loyal subjects guarding himself against Noron Byeok-Pa(老論 ?派: the opposing party in Older Faction) were gone behind himself. The politics of Joseon Dynasty returned to more powerful politics for king's family-in-law after king Jeongjo's death.

• Asia-pacific Journal of Multimedia Services Convergent with Art, Humanities, and Sociology
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• v.8 no.6
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• pp.875-885
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• 2018

This study analyzed the major issues of the Candlelight Rally and Taegukgi Rally registered in news comments of the politics section of the portal site from October 24, 2016 to March 19, 2017. We examined the political recognition of the two rallies with the Named Entity Recognition. The main analytical items are the responsibility for impeachment, the subject and method of settlement, and other major issues. As a result of the analysis, the comments of the Candlelight Rally focused on the impeachment support and the legal penalties of the regime ministers, and insisted on resolving the political situation through the next election after impeachment. The comments of the Taegukgi Rally focused on the rejection of the impeachment to maintain the regime and insisted on rejecting the impeachment of the Constitutional Court. The conflicts between the group that supported Candlelight Rallis and the group that supported Taegukgi rallies are predicted to last at least for the time being (Park Geun-hye's trial period) after the presidential election. After the impeachment of the President and replacement of the regime this conflict will develop into the confrontation between the pursuit of liquidation and new politics and the attempt to influence the trial of Park Geun-hye. Therefore, the efforts to integrate society in the aftermath are necessary.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.393-408
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• 2018

This study aims to raise our understanding of how memory of a social group is transnationally appropriated and utilized by other subjects. A collective sense of justice for comfort women has been handed to many Koreans either in Korea or in overseas countries since the early 1990s. In the U.S., the first comfort women monument was established in Palisades Park, New Jersey by Korean-Americans and local politicians as they wanted to strengthen the common sense of Korean ethnicity with the symbolic power of the memoryscape. Exploring the diffusion of comfort women memorials in the U.S., this study examines the complexity and multilayered structure of memory politics and its transnational mobility, which are connected to Korean-Americans' struggle for belonging.