• 보건교육건강증진학회지
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• 제22권2호
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• pp.77-95
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• 2005

Objectives: This study measured the extent of local legislators' support for tobacco control policies and identified the predictors of that. Methods: Local legislators, from 21 Gu in Seoul Metropolitan City, underwent a self-administrated questionaire during the 6-week period from December 1, 2004 to January 15, 2005. Multiple linear regression model was used to assess relationships between five groups of variables(political factors including political ideology, personal characteristics, tobacco experiences, tobacco knowledge, contact with local health officers) and support for tobacco control policies based on an 11-item scale. Results: The rates of support for 'penalizing merchants who sell cigarettes to minors' and 'instituting a law mandating that parents should not smoke in a car when children are present' were highest as 87.5% and 82.0% respectively, and those for 'increasing price of cigarettes' and 'regulating stores that sell cigarettes' were lowest as 52.2% and 51.7% respectively. Support was higher among local legislators who thought government had a duty to promote healthy life styles, knew second-hand smoke could cause lung cancer, knew tobacco caused more deaths than alcohol. Support among ex-smokers and nonsmokers was higher than current smokers. Conclusions: The findings indicate that local legislators who oppose tobacco control measures may not be opposed to tobacco control per se, but are more generally opposed to a government role in health promotion, Thus, Tobacco control advocates need to be more attentive to the way tobacco control issues are framed for particular legislators. Further, they could work to increase tobacco knowledge among local legislators.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• 제57권5호
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• pp.435-442
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• 2024

Objectives: The aim of this study was to investigate the significance of associations between knowledge, professional ethics, institutional support, perceptions regarding HIV/AIDS, and HIV/AIDS-related stigma among health workers in West Sumatra, Indonesia. Methods: We conducted a cross-sectional study involving health workers at public hospitals and health centers in West Sumatra in June 2022. The Health Care Provider HIV/AIDS Stigma Scale was employed to assess the stigma associated with HIV/AIDS. To estimate and evaluate the model's ability to explain the proposed constructs, we utilized the standardized partial least squares structural equation model (PLS-SEM). Results: In total, 283 individuals participated in this study (average age, 39 years). The majority were female (91.2%), nearly half were nurses (49.5%), and 59.4% had been working for more than 10 years. The study revealed that HIV/AIDS-related stigma persisted among health workers. The PLS-SEM results indicated that all latent variables had variance inflation factors below 5, confirming that they could be retained in the model. Knowledge and professional ethics significantly contributed to human immunodeficiency virus (HIV)-related stigma, with an effect size (f²) of 0.15 or greater. In contrast, perceived and institutional support had a smaller impact on HIV-related stigma, with an effect size (f²) of at least 0.02. The R² value for health worker stigma was 0.408, suggesting that knowledge, professional ethics, institutional support, and perceived support collectively explain 40.8% of the variance in stigma. Conclusions: Improving health workers' understanding of HIV, fostering professional ethics, and strengthening institutional support are essential for reducing HIV-related stigma in this population.

• 의정연구
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• 제24권3호
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• pp.5-28
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• 2018

불과 5년 전 역대 최대의 지지로 그 영향력을 과시하던 한국 보수정당의 현재는 '몰락'이라는 표현이 무색하지 않을 정도로 극적이다. 도대체 왜 보수후보와 보수정당에 대한 지지는 불과 5년이라는 짧은 기간에 그토록 하락하였는가? 이 글은 한국 보수의 몰락을 보수성향의 유권자들과 보수후보 그리고 보수정당 사이의 정책입장과 태도인식에 있어서 괴리가 점차 강화된 결과, 보수성향의 유권자들이 정치적 참여에 소극적으로 변화한 까닭이라고 주장한다. 분석의 결과, 2016년 적극적인 정치참여자로 존재했던 보수성향의 유권자들은 탄핵 이후 스스로의 이념성향과 일치되는 정당과 후보에 대해 확신을 잃게 되었고 이러한 인식의 부조화는 이들의 정치적 의사결정을 어렵게 만들었을뿐 아니라 종국에는 정치참여에도 소극적인 집단으로 변모시켰다. 반면, 진보성향의 유권자들은 탄핵 이후 이념성향과 일치되는 정당과 후보에 대해 더욱 강하고 견고한 호감을 갖게 되어 손쉬운 정치적 의사결정을 할 수 있어 적극적으로 정치에 참여하고 있었다. 이러한 결과는 결국 스스로의 성향에 맞는 후보와 정당의 존재와 부재(不在)가 유권자들의 정치참여에 결정적인 동기이며 한국의 보수정당이 지금의 위기를 극복하기 위해 집중해야 할 지점임을 알려준다.

• 의정연구
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• 제27권3호
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• pp.35-68
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• 2021

2021년 독일 총선에서 사민당이 신승해 제1당으로 복귀하고 녹색당이 최대 승자로 떠올랐다. 두 정당은 기후·환경, 팬데믹 대처와 보건, 노동·사회 정책에서 국민의 기대에 부응하는 정책을 제시함으로써 승기를 잡았다. 메르켈 효과는 선거에서 크게 작용하지 않았으며, 연정 구성 후 정부 정책으로 이어질 가능성이 크다. 투표 행태에서 계급 균열이 약해진 반면, 세대 균열이 상대적으로 커졌다. 노년층은 양대 정당에 더 많은 지지를 보냈고, 청년층은 녹색당과 자민당에 더 높은 지지율을 보였다. 세대 갈등이 계속된다면 녹색당과 자민당 등의 성장과 양대 정당의 지속적 약화 및 기타 새로운 정당의 등장으로 이어질 수 있다. 또한 구 동·서독 간 지역 갈등이 여전히 남아 있어 대안당과 좌파당의 향배에 영향을 미쳐 다른 균열들과 결합할 것이다. 2021년 총선은 정당 체제 재편을 예고하는 선거라고 할 수 있다.

• 한국IT서비스학회지
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• 제22권3호
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• pp.101-118
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• 2023

The 'MZ generation' is accustomed to expressing their thoughts and opinions online. As a result, the role of social media in understanding the opinions and public sentiment of the MZ generation has become increasingly important. In particular, the role of social media in understanding the opinions of young people in political contexts such as policies and elections is becoming more significant. Traditionally, in such political situations, various institutions conduct opinion surveys to grasp the opinions of the people. However, existing opinion surveys have many errors and limitations in understanding the specific opinions of the entire population since they are conducted on arbitrary individuals through survey techniques. Online communities are representative social media that share the opinions of the public on specific issues such as politics, economics, and culture. Therefore, online communities are widely used as a means to supplement the limitations of traditional opinion polls. In particular, the MZ generation is familiar with online platforms, and their political support has significant influence on election results and policy decisions. With this regard, this study analyzed the relationship between the sentiment reflected in online community text data by age group on major candidates and public opinion survey support rates during the Korean presidential election for those in their 20s. The analysis showed that negative sentiments reflected in online communities by the MZ generation have a negative correlation with public opinion survey support rates. This study contributes to theory and practice by revealing a significant association between social media and public opinion polls.

• 디지털융복합연구
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• 제10권7호
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• pp.207-212
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• 2012

본 연구는 정치인들의 용모가 미디어 수용자인 유권자의 정서와 투표에 미치는 영향을 살펴본 실험 연구이다. 그동안 자세, 제스추어, 메이컵 등과 같은 비언어적 단서들에 관한 연구는 다수 진행되어 왔으나, 정치 후보의 얼굴에 표현되어지는 안경착용이 유권자에 미치는 영향에 관한 연구는 찾아보기 어렵다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 지방선거 TV연설에 노출된 대학생 피험자들을 대상으로 정치 후보의 안경 착용이 미디어 수용자에게 미치는 영향을 실험을 통해 살펴보았다. 연구결과 TV연설에서 정치 후보자의 안경 착용은 유권자의 친근감과 신뢰감에는 영향을 미치지 못하였으나, 유권자의 호감도와 지지도에는 정적인 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다.

• 한국시스템다이내믹스연구
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• 제5권2호
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• pp.5-31
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• 2004

systems thinking is a methodology to explain structural mechanisms for resolving problems in highly complex and dynamic society. This article applies systems thinking to understand recent social and political changes in South Korea. This article identifies the weakers' virtuous circle that played central role in reinforcing soical climate to support the weakers and the oppressed group. Also this article adopts the concept of tipping points and triggers to explain how the political and social changes are produced and widely accepted in a few days. In conclusion we propose that systems thinking is promising in understand social and political changes.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제3권4호
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• pp.176-197
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• 2016

Despite being a key concept of International Relations theory, there is no consensus about what the national interest is. It is almost impossible for political leaders of democratic states to make a crucial decision in foreign policies when considering only the national interest without public support. Rather, we are unable to imagine the national interest without public opinion. In general, international crises galvanize people who held different opinions and unify social cleavages, such as secular-religious identities, into a nation that acts in its national interest. The author proposes a method to operationalize the key concept and describes a relationship between the national interest and religious identities in a democratic state. The selected case is the state of Israel. It is believed that Israel is a good example to think about the association between foreign affairs and political attitudes since it is characterized as a socio-religious divided society and has often waged war against Arab military forces.

• 수완나부미
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• 제9권2호
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• pp.7-34
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• 2017

Various models have been presented to describe early Southeast Asian political formations that draw on both indigenous and imported Indic ideas. The most influential of these are the "Mandala" (Wolters 1968, 1982, 1999), "Galactic" (Tambiah 1976), "Negara" (Geertz 1980), and Anderson's 1972 "The idea of power in Javanese culture." This paper represents an initial attempt to compare the salient features of these models with historical and archaeological data from South Sulawesi where, exceptionally and importantly, societies developed independently of Indic ideas. South Sulawesi is unique in being the only region of maritime Southeast Asia where there are sufficient written and oral sources, often substantiated by archaeological data, to document the social evolution of its society from scattered, economically self-sufficient communities with ranked lineages practicing swidden agriculture to large political units (kingdoms) constructed around indigenous cultural and political concepts with economies based on wet-rice agriculture. This wealth of data provides us with a much more detailed picture of the emergence, development and support structures of early kingdoms than found in the models, which makes South Sulawesi of fundamental importance in understanding the social and economic evolution of pre-Indic influenced Austronesian societies in Maritime Southeast Asia.

• Asian Journal of Innovation and Policy
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• 제12권1호
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• pp.131-154
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• 2023

This study investigates the productivity of Indonesian social scientists during the COVID-19 pandemic, with a particular concentration on their contributions to COVID-19 prevention and management. By categorizing social science research according to themes such as authors' gender, authors' institution of origin, forms of collaboration, and journal quality, this study examines the patterns and factors that influence research output. Using information from the Scopus database, 1,071 journal articles were analyzed in total. The findings indicate that collaborations with foreign researchers considerably improve productivity and publication quality, with Malaysian and Australian institutions serving as the most active partners. Nevertheless, there are gender disparities, as female authors write and are cited less frequently than male authors. The study stresses the importance of increasing international collaboration among Indonesian authors and implementing affirmative action policies to support and empower female researchers. This study contributes to the existing body of knowledge by providing policymakers, funding agencies, and academic institutions with recommendations for fostering a more inclusive and influential research environment in Indonesia.