• 대한지리학회지
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• 제49권1호
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• pp.57-76
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• 2014

전통적으로 전쟁의 확산에 관한 연구는, 전쟁에 참여하는 양국의 관계에 초점을 맞추어왔으며 국가 간의 관계가 전쟁의 과정에서 변하지 않는다는 가정에 기반하여 왔다. 본 연구는 기존의 접근방법이 전쟁 확산의 공간적 측면을 설명하기에는 부족함을 보여주고 있다. 네트워크 공간에서의 전쟁확산을 이해하기 위해, 사회연결망 분석을 이용하여 제1차 세계대전에 참전한 국가의 행위를 분석하였다. 사회연결망 분석기법의 적용은 기존의 갈등연구에서 나타나고 있는 물리적 공간과 네트워크의 이분법적 이해를 극복하는 시도가 된다. 연구의 결과는, 국가들이 맺는 관계(지속적인 갈등, 동맹)가 만들어내는 네트워크의 구조적 속성이 개별 국가 간의 관계만큼이나 중요하다는 것을 보여주고 있다. 또한 분쟁의 확산을 이끌어내는 요인이 전쟁이 진행되면서 변화한다는 점을 확인할 수 있는데, 지리적 인접성은 전쟁 초기에는 중요하지만 전쟁이 확산됨에 따라 동맹관계, 기존에 유지되어온 적대적 관계와 이로써 생성되는 국제관계의 네트워크 구조가 더욱 중요한 것으로 나타났다.

• STI Policy Review
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• 제6권2호
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• pp.54-86
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• 2015

The study examines the U.S. Small Business Innovation Research (SBIR) program, with a focus on the recent Reauthorization, and compares, in the political context, the U.S. and East Asian countries-Japan, Korea and Taiwan-that adopted the U.S. SBIR program. For the systematic analysis and cross-country comparison, the study employs Kingdon (2003)'s framework-his political theory and Garbage Can Model-to identify political participants and processes underlying the SBIR Reauthorization and to analyze the differences in problem, policy, and politics streams between the U.S. and East Asian countries. For the cross-country comparison, specifically, the study uses various data sources such as OECD, Global Entrepreneurship Monitor, Hofstede's Cultural Dimensions, and World Value Survey. Based on the analysis outcomes, implications of U.S. practices on East Asian countries are extracted as follows. East Asian countries tend to: Have higher entrepreneurial aspiration while lower entrepreneurial activity and attitude than the U.S.; bear higher long term orientation and uncertainty avoidance while lower individualism than the U.S.; and have greater expectations of technology development and higher confidence in political parties while participating less in political action than the U.S. Drawing on the differences, the following policy recommendations are suggested. East Asian countries should: Improve entrepreneurs' access to resources (in particular, financial resource) in order to link their high entrepreneurial aspiration to actual entrepreneurial activities; cultivate failure-tolerating culture and risk-taking entrepreneurs, for instance, by providing a second chance to SBIR-participating businesses that failed to materialize their innovative ideas; and leverage their high expectations of new technology in order to take bold actions regarding their SBIR programs, and update the programs by drawing out constructive dialogues between SBIR stakeholders.

• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• 제11권4호
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• pp.1-13
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• 2023

Being one of the first and hardest hit countries by the coronavirus, Iran still continues to preserve its place among nations with the highest rates of infection and COVID-19 related deaths. While on the surface, such worrying status evinces the failure of the authorities in handling the crisis, at deeper levels, it points to the fundamentalist nature of the government and political system of the country. In this view, the current devastating condition in Iran is a clear indication of the all-out influence of the Islamic regime's ideologies on officials' decision-making and their political agendas throughout the pandemic. Accordingly, the staterun mainstream media, as the most preeminent institution of power, have been incessantly engaged in disseminating a series of ideology-laden information around the issues concerning the coronavirus, and in line with the developing political discourses during pandemic. Far from being based on factual accounts or scientific facts, these disseminated messages inevitably grew into a source of disinformation, ultimately resulting in overall public confusion and skepticism. Through examining the data gathered from some of the most prominent online news agencies run by the government, this study identifies five major discursive trends through which the mainstream media propagated ambiguous and manipulative information about COVID-19. These findings are then explained in the light of media system dependency theory, leading to the argument that within autocratic nation-states, public reliance on media during a national/global crisis brings about new opportunities for state exploitation, and further distressing consequences for the people.

• Korean Chemical Engineering Research
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• 제62권1호
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• pp.53-69
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• 2024

The solubility of Cloxacillin sodium in ethanol, 1-propanol, isopropanol, and acetone solutions was measured at different temperatures. The melting property was also tested by using a differential scanning calorimeter (DSC). Then, the solubility data were fitted using Apelblat equation and λh equation, respectively. The Wilson model and NRTL model were not utilized to correlate the test data, since Cloxacillin sodium will decompose directly after melting. For comparison purposes, the four empirical models, i.e., Apelblat equation, λh equation, Wilson model and NRTL Model, were evaluated by using 1155 solubility curves of 103 solutes tested under different monosolvents and temperatures. The comparison results indicate that the Apelblat equation is superior to the others. Furthermore, a new method (named the calculation method) for determining the Apelblat equation using only three data points was proposed to solve the problem that there may not be enough solute in the determination of solubility. The log-logistic distribution function was used to further capture the trend of the correlation and to make better quantitative comparison between predicted data and the experimental ones for the Apelblat equation determined by different methods (fitting method or calculation method). It is found that the proposed calculation method not only greatly reduces the number of test data points, but also has satisfactory prediction accuracy.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제44권
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• pp.76-107
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• 2008

본 연구에서는 지난 제17대 대통령 선거기간 동안 정치관심도가 유권자들의 미디어 이용(TV, 신문, 인터넷)에 어떠한 영향을 미쳤으며, 미디어 이용이 이명박 후보의 도덕성 평가에 어떠한 영향을 미쳤는지를 분석하였다. 아울러 본 연구에서는 정치관심도와 주요 미디어 이용이 이명박의 도덕성 평가에 미치는 영향이 이명박 지지 집단과 비지지 집단 사이에 어떠한 차이를 보이는지를 살펴보았다. 이를 위해 본 연구에서는 성별 연령별 지역별 전국인구비례에 맞게 모집된 1,199명(여성 584명, 남성 615명, 평균연령(표준편차)=42.77(13.34))의 패널 데이터를 잠재성장모형을 이용하여 분석하였다. 잠재성장모형 분석결과, 상대적으로 정치관심도가 높은 유권자들은 그렇지 않은 유권자보다 미디어 종류에 상관없이 미디어 이용 시간이 많았다. TV 미디어 이용의 경우, 다른 미디어들과 비교하여, 이명박 지지 집단과 비지지 집단 사이에 이명박 후보의 도덕성 평가에 대한 차별성이 상대적으로 약하였다. 신문의 경우, 이명박 비지지 집단에서만 신문 이용이 증가할수록 도덕성 평가가 감소하였다. 인터넷의 경우 TV이용과 같이 이명박 지지 집단과 비지지 집단 모두에서 인터넷 이용의 초기값이 높을수록 도덕성 평가의 초기값이 높았다. 이를 통해 이명박 후보의 도덕성에 대한 판단 여부는 미디어의 종류와 미디어의 이용 정도에 따라서 다르게 나타났음을 알 수 있다. 미디어 이용과 정치행위에 관한 기존의 연구가 대부분 횡단자료에 바탕을 두었기 때문에 변인 사이의 변화에 따른 관련성을 입증하기 어려웠다는 점을 고려할 때, 본 연구의 함의는 종단자료에 대한 분석 방법인 잠재성장모형(latent growth model)을 통해 두 변인의 변화에서의 인과적 관련성을 통계적으로 검증했다는 데 있다.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• 제7권11호
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• pp.185-194
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• 2020

This study aims to find out whether political parties apply financial reports under PSAK (Statement of Financial Accounting Standards) No. 45. The Stewardship Theory provides the analytical framework. The objects in this study were 16 Yogyakarta City Political Parties in the Special Region of Yogyakarta, with the total number of 64 respondents. The application for processing data in this study used SPSS 22 version. Based on the results of analyzing data, H1, which had a sig (2-tailed) value of 0.026 <0.05, then H0, stating that there was an influence of the statement of financial position on the implementation of PSAK, was rejected. H2 had a sig (2-tailed) value of 0.116> 0.05, so that H0, stating that there was no significant effect of the activity report on the implementation of PSAK, was accepted. H3 had a sig (2-tailed) value of 0.027 <0.05, meaning that it rejected H0, which stated that there was a significant effect of the cash flow statement on the implementation of PSAK. Furthermore, H4 had a sig (2-tailed) value of 0.744> 0.05, indicating that H0 was accepted, stating that there was a significant effect of notes to the financial statements on the implementation of PSAK.

• 한국환경과학회지
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• 제13권10호
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• pp.855-861
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• 2004

This study analysed the influencing factors involved in deciding the policy through the analysis of procedure in the policy on the natural resources in local governments. To evaluate the political consensus of decision making in policy determination as political rationality in natural resources policy, we analyzed the degree of the satisfaction from the residents. Among the analysis factors of the satisfaction of natural resources policy, the most significant independent factors were the goal and the method of the policy, the institutional conditions and interested groups, the appropriateness of the content of decision making, supervising and controlling, cooperating relations, the effect of policy, and the consistency. From the analysis of the effect and the goal of policy, we found $70.5\%$ of residents was against the policy and only $27.8\%$ consented. Considering the appropriateness of supervising and controlling in accordance with the process of the policy decision and its execution, the influence of local governments and institutions concerned enjoying comparatively more economic benefits was strong, however, the involvement of the residents and supervising and monitoring institutions were found negligible.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• 제6권1호
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• pp.47-58
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• 2019

The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between the nature of controlling shareholders and corporate anti-corruption practice disclosure (ACPD) as well as the mediating role of political background of the chairman or CEO of the firm on the relationship between the two. The content analysis was conducted to extract ACPD from standalone corporate social responsibility reports (CSRR) of 703 China's A-share listed companies. A dummy variable was constructed according to whether a firm disclosed ACPD or not. Logistic regression analysis was used then. Results show that the nature of controlling shareholders has a significant impact on corporate ACPD, with central enterprises disclosing the most frequently, local state-owned enterprises the second and private enterprises the least. Political background of the chairman or CEO has a negative impact on corporate ACPD of state-owned enterprises. These findings have some useful insights in understanding the rent-seeking behavior and information disclosure behavior of corporates in emerging markets. In order to curb the serious corruption problem which is commonplace in developing countries like China, the government should exert certain pressure to strengthen the supervision of information disclosure of listed firms and improve information transparency.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• 제8권1호
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• pp.385-393
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• 2021

This study investigates the effect of infrastructure, economic sectors and its status, foreign direct investment and private investment, as well as the role of political stability in enhancing the tourism demand in the ASEAN region. The research collected the secondary data from the World Bank database and the UNWTO website of 10 ASEAN countries over 17 years from 2000 to 2016. Applying the generalized method of moments, this research found that, "private investment", "economic sectors", "exchange rate and infrastructure measured by "using of the internet" can increase the tourism demand of a country in the ASEAN region. This research provided evidence indicating that the "foreign direct investment" and "inflation" are two detrimental factors for tourist attraction. The major finding confirmed the positive role of "political stability" in increasing tourist arrivals. First, attracting tourists to a country always poses many challenges to its government. It has been observed in the past decades that though there were many documents, which confirmed that industry can help in promoting tourism, very few studies investigated the role of both agriculture and manufacturing sectors in tourism promotion. Secondly, there are only a few studies which verifies the stability of the political system to the tourism demand in the ASEAN region and that this variable (political stability) has the strongest impact.

• Acta Via Serica
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• 제7권1호
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• pp.105-130
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• 2022

This paper argues that the war in Syria is partly the result of a global Islamist wave that contributed to fuelling conflict across large regions of Asia and Africa. Of course, the war that has consumed Syria since 2011 most certainly has multiple interrelated causes and driving forces, and any attempt to isolate one or even two or three runs the risk of advancing an overly simplistic interpretation of history. This essay, therefore, does not aim to offer an appraisal of the multiple variables that contributed to the war in Syria. Instead, it zeroes in on how political Islam came to impact Syria and its people. In doing so, it demonstrates how competing varieties of political Islam represented leading causes of conflict. Indeed, different Islamist movements contributed to the outbreak of the war in 2011, fuelled the conflict for years on end, and to this day represent major obstacles to the achievement of sustainable peace. Four broad Islamist currents are especially relevant to the case of Syria: the Muslim Brotherhood; the Shia revivalist movement at the nexus of the alliance between Iran, Hezbollah, and Syria; Salafi jihadism and its volatile and fractious underworld of competing armed groups, from Al-Qaeda to the Islamic State; and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's market-friendly Islamism, which induced Turkey to intervene in Syria's civil war.