• The Mathematical Education
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.48-73
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• 1986

Though the tradition of Korean mathematics since the ancient time up to the 'Enlightenment Period' in the late 19th century had been under the influence of the Chinese mathematics, it strove to develop its own independent of Chinese. However, the fact that it couldn't succeed to form the independent Korean mathematics in spite of many chances under the reign of Kings Sejong, Youngjo, and Joungjo was mainly due to the use of Chinese characters by Koreans. Han-gul (Korean characters) invented by King Sejong had not been used widely as it was called and despised Un-mun and Koreans still used Chinese characters as the only 'true letters' (Jin-suh). The correlation between characters and culture was such that, if Koreans used Han-gul as their official letters, we may have different picture of Korean mathematics. It is quite interesting to note that the mathematics in the 'Enlightenment Period' changed rather smoothly into the Western mathematics at the time when Han-gul was used officially with Chinese characters. In Koryo, the mathematics existed only as a part of the Confucian refinement, not as the object of sincere study. The mathematics in Koryo inherited that of the Unified Shilla without any remarkable development of its own, and the mathematicians were the Inner Officials isolated from the outside world who maintained their positions as specialists amid the turbulence of political changes. They formed a kind of Guild, their posts becoming patrimony. The mathematics in Koryo significant in that they paved the way for that of Chosun through a few books of mathematics such as 'Sanhak-Kyemong', 'Yanghwi-Sanpup' and 'Sangmyung-Sanpup'. King Sejong was quite phenomenal in his policy of promotion of mathematics. King himself was deeply interested in the study, createing an atmosphere in which all the high ranking officials and scholars highly valued mathematics. The sudden development of mathematic culture was mainly due to the personality and capacity of king who took anyone with the mathematic talent into government service regardless of his birth and against the strong opposition of the conservative officials. However, King's view of mathematics never resulted in the true development of mathematics perse and he used it only as an official technique in the tradition way. Korean mathematics in King Sejong's reign was based upon both the natural philosophy in China and the unique geo-political reality of Korean peninsula. The reason why the mathematic culture failed to develop continually against those social background was that the mathematicians were not allowed to play the vital role in that culture, they being only the instrument for the personality or politics of the king. While the learned scholar class sometimes played the important role for the development of the mathematic culture, they often as not became an adamant barrier to it. As the society in Chosun needed the function of mathematics acutely, the mathematicians formed the settled class called Jung-in (Middle-Man). Jung-in was a unique class in Chosun and we can't find its equivalent in China or Japan. These Jung-in mathematician officials lacked tendency to publish their study, since their society was strictly exclusive and their knowledge was very limited. Though they were relatively low class, these mathematicians played very important role in Chosun society. In 'Sil-Hak (the Practical Learning) period' which began in the late 16th century, especially in the reigns of Kings Youngjo and Jungjo, which was called the Renaissance of Chosun, the ambitious policy for the development of science and technology called for. the rapid increase of he number of such technocrats as mathematics, astronomy and medicine. Amid these social changes, the Jung-in mathematicians inevitably became quite ambitious and proud. They tried to explore deeply into mathematics perse beyond the narrow limit of knowledge required for their office. Thus, in this period the mathematics developed rapidly, undergoing very important changes. The characteristic features of the mathematics in this period were: Jung-in mathematicians' active study an publication, the mathematic studies by the renowned scholars of Sil-Hak, joint works by these two classes, their approach to the Western mathematics and their effort to develop Korean mathematics. Toward the 'Enlightenment Period' in the late 19th century, the Western mathematics experienced great difficulty to take its roots in the Peninsula which had been under the strong influence of Confucian ideology and traditional Korean mathematic system. However, with King Kojong's ordinance in 1895, the traditional Korean mathematics influenced by Chinese disappeared from the history of Korean mathematics, as the school system was hanged into the Western style and the Western mathematics was adopted as the only mathematics to be taught at the Schools of various levels. Thus the 'Enlightenment Period' is the period in which Korean mathematics shifted from Chinese into European.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.9
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• pp.171-193
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• 2010

This paper examines Fernand Khnopff's Symbolism, focusing on the I Lock My Door upon Myself as a manifesto of his artistic credo in style and theme. Its title was originally in English, originating from the poem "Who Shall Deliver Me?" by Dante Gabriel Rossetti's sister Christina Rossetti. I use the term "Social Symbolism" which combines a nationalist perspective with traditional French Symbolism, in order to explain how the image of Bruges is represented in his oeuvre. Symbolism calls for psychological introspection evoking death, love, silence, and solitude and recluse from realty in pursuit of the Unknown and the Ideal. Although Khnopff shared this idea, he departed from symbolist tradition by incorporating a political milieu in his paintings. First, I discuss Khnopff's early stage in the formation of his artistic concept, including his family background as well as his early opportunity to visit the Exposition Universelle in Paris where he formed his early interests in aesthetics, philosophy, literature, mythology and Egyptian art. His early works, La Painture, la Musique, la Poesie(1880-1881), Le Crise(1881), and En ecoutant Schuman(1883) reveal his favorite subjects which were quite prevalent in the symbolist traditions of both Belgium and France. By looking at Khnopff's paintings, I endeavor to situate his Symbolism in the context of the development of Belgian modernity and cultural nationalism. Second, my analysis of Khnopff creates a new overview of Symbolism in Europe, especially in Belgium. In the absence of socio-political integration, the Symbolist painter adds nostalgic meaning to the landscape of Bruges. The scene of Bruges illuminates the social atmosphere in Belgium at that time. Since Belgium became an independent country, it tried to differentiate its own cultural and national identity from France. There was a powerful social movement for Belgium to claim its own identity, language, and culture. Bruges was, for Symbolists, the epitome of Belgium's past glory. This encouraged the formation of Belgian nationalism centering on Brussels, as I demonstrate in Khnopff's Bruges-la-Morte(1892). The relationship between Symbolist artist and writers is crucial for understanding this development. Khnopff, for instance, illustrated or provided frontispieces for many Symbolist writers such as Rodenbach, Peladan, Spencer and Le Roy. Khnopff did not objectify the exact meaning, but rather provided his own subjective interpretation. In this respect, I Lock My Door, inspired by Rossetti, started from the same motif, but Khnopff seeked escape into silence and death while Rossetti searched for Christian salvation. Finally my paper deals with the social context in which Khnopff worked. He was a founding member of Les XX in 1883 and later La Libre Esthethetique he also participated in the exhibition of le Salon de la Rose + Croix. Les XX was not a particular school of art and did not have a uniform manifesto, but its exhibitions focused on decorative arts by encompassing art for all people via common, everyday objects. The Periodical, L'art moderne was founded to support this ideal by Edmond Picard and Maux. Les XX declared art as independent art, detached from all official connections. Khnopff designed the 1890 catalogue cover of Les XX and the 1891 cover. These designs show decorative element of Art Nouveau in an early example of "modern poster." Les XX pursued all art including graphic arts, prints, placard, posters and book illustrations and design. These forms of art were l'art social and this movement was formed by the social atmosphere in Belgium in terms of social reforms and strikes by working class. Khnopff designed the book cover for la Maison du Peuple. The artist, however, did not share the ideal egalitarianism of the working class to a certain degree, while he was working in his villa he designed under the ideal motto, "on n'a pas que," he expressed the nihilistic emotions toward society by the theme of interiority such as solitude, silence, narcissism, introspection, and introversion. In the middle of his Symbolism, we find the "cultural nostalgia" or longing that the artist develops in the I Lock My Door upon Myself. Khnopff's longing toward the lost city of "Bruges" form the crux of his "Social Symbolism."

• Journal for History of Mathematics
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.91-105
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• 1985

Though the tradition of Korean mathematics since the ancient time up to the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century had been under the influence of the Chinese mathematics, it strove to develop its own independent of Chinese. However, the fact that it couldn't succeed to form the independent Korean mathematics in spite of many chances under the reign of Kings Sejong, Youngjo, and Joungjo was mainly due to the use of Chinese characters by Koreans. Han-gul (Korean characters) invented by King Sejong had not been used widely as it was called and despised Un-mun and Koreans still used Chinese characters as the only "true letters" (Jin-suh). The correlation between characters and culture was such that , if Koreans used Han-gul as their official letters, we may have different picture of Korean mathematics. It is quite interesting to note that the mathematics in the "Enlightenment Period" changed rather smoothly into the Western mathematics at the time when Han-gul was used officially with Chinese characters. In Koryo, the mathematics existed only as a part of the Confucian refinement, not as the object of sincere study. The mathematics in Koryo inherited that of the Unified Shilla without any remarkable development of its own, and the mathematicians were the Inner Officials isolated from the outside world who maintained their positions as specialists amid the turbulence of political changes. They formed a kind of Guild, their posts becoming patrimony. The mathematics in Koryo is significant in that they paved the way for that of Chosun through a few books of mathematics such as "Sanhak-Kyemong, "Yanghwi - Sanpup" and "Sangmyung-Sanpup." King Sejong was quite phenomenal in his policy of promotion of mathematics. King himself was deeply interested in the study, createing an atmosphere in which all the high ranking officials and scholars highly valued mathematics. The sudden development of mathematic culture was mainly due to the personality and capacity of King who took any one with the mathematic talent onto government service regardless of his birth and against the strong opposition of the conservative officials. However, King's view of mathematics never resulted in the true development of mathematics per se and he used it only as an official technique in the tradition way. Korean mathematics in King Sejong's reign was based upon both the natural philosophy in China and the unique geo-political reality of Korean peninsula. The reason why the mathematic culture failed to develop continually against those social background was that the mathematicians were not allowed to play the vital role in that culture, they being only the instrument for the personality or politics of the King. While the learned scholar class sometimes played the important role for the development of the mathematic culture, they often as not became an adamant barrier to it. As the society in Chosun needed the function of mathematics acutely, the mathematicians formed the settled class called Jung-in (Middle-Man). Jung-in was a unique class in Chosun and we can't find its equivalent in China of Japan. These Jung-in mathematician officials lacked tendency to publish their study, since their society was strictly exclusive and their knowledge was very limited. Though they were relatively low class, these mathematicians played very important role in Chosun society. In "Sil-Hak (the Practical Learning) period" which began in the late 16th century, especially in the reigns of King Youngjo and Jungjo, which was called the Renaissance of Chosun, the ambitious policy for the development of science and technology called for the rapid increase of the number of such technocrats as mathematicians inevitably became quite ambitious and proud. They tried to explore deeply into mathematics per se beyond the narrow limit of knowledge required for their office. Thus, in this period the mathematics developed rapidly, undergoing very important changes. The characteristic features of the mathematics in this period were: Jung-in mathematicians' active study an publication, the mathematic studies by the renowned scholars of Sil-Hak, joint works by these two classes, their approach to the Western mathematics and their effort to develop Korean mathematics. Toward the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century, the Western mathematics experienced great difficulty to take its roots in the Peninsula which had been under the strong influence of Confucian ideology and traditional Korean mathematic system. However, with King Kojong's ordinance in 1895, the traditonal Korean mathematics influenced by Chinese disappeared from the history of Korean mathematics, as the school system was changed into the Western style and the Western matehmatics was adopted as the only mathematics to be taught at the schools of various levels. Thus the "Enlightenment Period" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.od" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.pean.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.56
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• pp.151-180
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• 2018

Since the completion of the theories on human ethics and moral had been established to pursue by Confucian thinkers like Confucius and Mencius, they generally had agreed to present the basic principles for human education which every human could be the sage. In these principles for human ethics and morality there is on the premise that the knowledge about your own ethical and that the completion of the so-called act(爲) and learning(學). They had given to us that how to get a goal for the ethical and moral lives there are several academic oriented methodology will have act and learning set. In the point of achieving complete figures which act and learning for good society, there was named the sage(聖). This concept sage has two major types. One is on for the political figures that completed, and the other one is for the realm of academic side. Confucian as above mentioned the moral human being is equipped with a complete personality and political ability to make man and society perfect. Confucius has been understood as a complete human being. Yes, ideal for these two types of figures will be fulfilled in some way? They take a mystical ability to a priori or a posteriori, such as human effort can reach the sage. There are many thinkers are obvious and logical answer for this major problem in the system of confucian philosophy I have been trying. About the sage(聖), inherently natural learning(生知) occur to the position sage or knowledge (學知), can lead to there are two of the doctrine for that problem. With the study of learning and knowledge on human beings and real society the two systems concerned together. In fact, the main content of the "Analects of Confucius" we have a set of ethical and moral values not the benevolent conversation about Jin(仁) and his disciples a steady emphasis but on in praise of learning (學) for. However, at the time in Han Tang(漢唐) Han Wi(韓愈) and Wang Chung(王充), according to such thinkers the sage is already a priori determined, cannot be reached by human effort. But At the beginning of the Neo-Confucianism, Cheng I(程?) for the pioneer this Song(宋) scholars, regarding this issue could rebirth the thought that every human could be the sage through the learning as the pre-Chin(先秦) times.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.79-106
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• 2011

The cultural contents industries have moved closer to the centre of the economic action in many countries and across much of the world. For this reason, the concern with the development of glocal cultural contents has also been growing. According to Goldman Sock's BRICs report, Indian economy will be the engine of global economy with China. In addition, India will be a new blue chip country for large consumer market of cultual contents. The most important point for the development of glocal cultural contents is a systematic and in-depth analysis of other culture. India is a complex and multicultural country compared with Korea which is a nation-state. Therefore, this paper is intended as an understanding about India appropriately and suggestion for a strategy to enter cultural industry in India. As the purpose of this paper is concerned, we will take a close look at 9 Indian culture codes which can be classified into three main groups: 1) political, social and cultural codes 2) economic codes 3) cultural contents codes. Firstly, political, social and cultural codes are i) consistent democracy and saving common people, ii) authoritarianism which appears an innate respect for authority of India, iii) Collective-individualism which represents collectivist and individualistic tendency, iv) life-religion, v) carpe diem. Secondly, economic culture codes are vi) 1.2billion Indian people's God which represents money and vii) practical purchase which stands for a reasonable choice of buying products. Lastly, viii) Masala movie and ix) happy ending that is the most popular theme of Masala movies are explained in the context of cultural content codes. In conclusion, 3 interesting cases , , will be examined in detail. From what has been discussed above, we suggest oversea expansion strategy based on these case studies. Eventually, what is important is to understand what Indian society is, how Indian society works and what contents Indian prefers.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.2
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• pp.15-28
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• 2021

'Cheonunjeongsa (天雲精舍)', designated as Gyeongsangbukdo Folklore Cultural Property No. 76, is a Siksanjeongsa built in 1700 by Manbu Lee Shiksan. In this study, we investigate the life and perspective of Manbu Lee in relation to Siksanjeongsa, and estimate the feng shui location, territoriality, and original landscape by analyzing 「Nuhangnok」 and 「Nuhando」, the results of his political management. The following results were derived by examining the philosophy that the scholar wanted to include in his space. First, Manbu Lee Shiksan was a representative hermit-type confucian scholar in the late Joseon Dynasty. 'Siksan', the name of the government official and the nickname of Manbu Lee, is derived from the mountain behind the village, and he wanted to rest in the four areas of thought(思), body(躬), speech(言), and friendship(交). During the difficult years of King Sukjong, Lee Manbu of a Namin family expressed his will to seclude through the title 'Siksan'. Second, There is a high possibility of restoration close to the original. Manbu Lee recorded the location of Siksanjeongsa, spatial structure, buildings and landscape facilities, trees, surrounding landscape, and usage behaviors in 「Nuhangnok」, and left a book of 《Nuhangdo》. Third, Manbu Lee refers to the feng shui geography view that Oenogok is closed in two when viewed from the outside, but is cozy and deep and can be seen from a far when entering inside. The whole village of Nogok was called Siksanjeongsa, which means through the name. It can be seen that the area was formed and expanded. Fourth, the spatial composition of Siksanjeongsa can be divided into a banquet space, an education space, a support space, a rest space, a vegetable and an herbal garden. The banquet space composed of Dang, Lu, and Yeonji is a personal space where Manbu Lee, who thinks about the unity of the heavenly people, the virtue of the gentleman, and humanity, is a place for lectures and a place to live. Fifth, Yangjeongjae area is an educational space, and Yangjeongjae is a name taken from the main character Monggwa, and it is a name that prayed for young students to grow brightly and academically. Sixth, the support space composed of Ganjijeong, Gobandae, and Sehandan is a place where the forested areas in the innermost part of Siksanjeongsa are cleared and a small pavilion is built using natural standing stones and pine trees as a folding screen. The virtue and grace of stopping. It contains the meaning of leisure and the wisdom of a gentleman. Seventh, outside the wall of Siksanjeongsa, across the eastern stream, an altar was built in a place with many old trees, called Yeonggwisa, and a place of rest was made by piling up an oddly shaped stone and planting flowers. Eighth, Manbu Lee, who knew the effects of vegetables and medicinal herbs in detail like the scholars of the Joseon Dynasty, cultivated a vegetable garden and an herbal garden in Jeongsa. Ninth, it can be seen that Lee Manbu realized the Neo-Confucian utopia in his political life by giving meaning to each space of Siksanjeongsa by naming buildings and landscaping facilities and planting them according to ancient events.

• Korean Business Review
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• v.17
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• pp.153-183
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• 2004

The Gaisong Merchants can be regarded to playa pioneering role to activate the Korea's trade with foreign countries. In the early period of Yi-Dynasty, the Gaisong Merchants focused on personal trade, but in the middle period of Yi-Dynasty, they entered to the realm of governmental trade. Furthermore, their business activities widened to various forms of trades, for example, smuggling. Utilizing accumulated capital, Gaisong merchants expanded their trading activities to their neighboring countries such as Japan and China. In recent times, it is necessary for modem Korean companies to diversify risks through the establishment of corporations for production, marketing and R&D abroad or through joint venture, M&A and strategic alliance with foreign companies in order to reduce the risks originated from volatile economic and political situations. In this study, we utilize tools of comparative study to compare Gaisong Merchants' foreign trade strategies with those of modem companies such as AMOREPACIFIC, HANILCEMENT and SHINDORICO. The purpose of the paper is to test the hypothesis that modem Korean companies grew up by following the cases of Gaisong Merchants' business activities. We summarize our main findings as follows. First, both Gaisong Merchants and modem Korean companies have common functional core capability in the field of marketing, manufacturing technology, R&D, and human resources development. Second, both Gaisong Merchants and modem Korean companies have common organizational core capability. Third, both Gaisong Merchants and modem Korean companies have common infrastructures such as planning, finance, accounting and MIS. It constitutes the infrastructure of Korea's foreign trade sector. Fourth, both Gaisong Merchants and modem companies have common organizational culture in the field of management policy and philosophy. Actually, those factors are evaluated to be driving forces of Koera's success in foreign trade. In conclusion, the business activities of Gaisong Merchants who represented the peculiarity of Korean business spirit are partially inherited to current Korean business management. The value system and behavior pattern of modern Korean companies is succeeded from the spirit of Gaisong Merchants and it playa major role to specify the identity of Korean business administration.

• The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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• v.1
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• pp.161-191
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• 1992

The purpose of this study is how have the form and theory of the five element theory in the (黃帝內徑) by the investigation of the course of the course of the five element introduced the ancient oriental medicine from ancient oriental philosophy. The following results were obtained. 1. The five elements in (尙書) meaned the uses of water, fire, earth, wood, metal which were important in living. Because these had very important meaning in ancient political and economic society, emphasized to big law(洪範) 2. The five elements in (左傳) and (國語) mean the five uses too, and there are the phases of "five win metal"(火勝金) and "wather win fire"(水勝火), but these only meaned the physical interrelation. 3. In the five circulating factor theory made by Chu Yen(鄒衍) which have the attribute of the five elements, he more reasonably had argued human affairs like that a dynasty become different in step with the circulating five favors. There is the regular annual policy in the (呂氏春秋) which closely connected nature and human living, and attached the various colors, animals, visceras, flavors, sounds, the sexagenary cycle and so on to the five elements. 4. In the (春秋繁露) writed in fore-period of Han(漢) dynasty, the interactions of the five elements are concretely applicated to policy, Dong Jung Soe(童仲舒) had discrived the interactions of the five elements by Dong Lyu Sang Dong theory(同類相動說) and the misfortune theory(災異說), emphasized the sympathy of nature and human. Thought there is many content which are superstitious and contradictory, I concider which that affcted many effects in the formation of five element theory of oriental medicine. In the (淮南子) the order of matters were explained by the five element theory too, as the interrelations of the five elements were explained by the sexagenary ctcle, I assume that the bud of O-Un theory(五運理論). And there was not founded the fullscale intriduction of the five element theory in the Ma Wang Tye(馬王堆) excavated finds, the Mu Yyi medical writings formed the dynasty(武威漢代醫簡) and the documents about Pyun Jak(偏鵲) and Sun U Ie(淳于意). 5. The application of the five element theory in the (Whang Di Nei Qing) (黃帝內徑) is devided into the attachement to the five elements, the interelations of the five elments, and Un Gi theery(運氣論). In the attachment to the five elemeant theory, it made the attachment of the five viseras of (今文尙書) party a standard and attached the sections of a human body, the whole internal organs of sense, the five colors, the five flavors and the five sounds and so on to the five elements. It put to use by means of the apllivation of the interrelation of the five elements in the transferations of the diseases and the relative severeness of a disease in step with change of time and season. Un Gi theory(運氣論) which synthesized by the attachment to the five elements, the inter-relations of the five elements and the climate which observerd from ancient times systematically argued the effects of weather to human. 6. The application of the five elements theory in (黃帝內徑) have the significant what had get rid of irrational factors like that the emotion and action of human could to influense the weather, what had been formes more rational thingking by the obesrvation of human and nature. It is required more reserches about the possibility of the formation of the doctrinal faction bt the geographical effect of the Yon, Je(燕,薺) region, the application of the five element theory in other ancient medical books and the relationship of the five element theory and Yin Yang(陰陽)

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.12
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• pp.39-86
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• 1985

The main purpose of the present study is to survey the major iudexing bulletins of national nature in Korea, to define such problem areas as lacunae, duplicates and limitation in coverage in the indexing services currently available in Korea, and to make some suggestions for action for improving the existing indexing services in the light of general principles and the tradition and constraints unique to Korea. The major findings and conclusions reached at this study are summarised as follows: (A) A new indexing bulletin of general nature covering the entire field needs to be created in each of the following fields without an established indexing service available for the outcome of research and development activities in Korea. (1) Philosophy (2) Religion (3) Pure sciences (4) Art (5) Language (6) Literature (7) History (B) A new specialised indexing bulletin needs to be created in each of the following fields where indexing services are heavily utilised but no, or only partial, indexing service is available. (1) Social sciences (a) Statistics (b) Sociology (c) Folklore (d) Military science (2) Pure sciences (a) Mathematics (b) Physics (c) Chemistry (d) Astronomy (e) Geology (f) Mineralogy (g) Life sciences (h) Botany (i) Zoology (3) Applied sciences (a) Medicine (b) Agriculture (c) Civil engineering (d) Architectural engineering (e) Mechanical engineering (f) Electrical engineering (g) Chemical engineering (h) Domestic science (C) Publication of the indexing bulletins suggested in A and B above may be ideally carried on by a qualified and dependable learned society established in the respective fields and designated by the Minister of Education, and should be financially supported from the public fund under the provisions of Art. 27 of the Scientific Research Promotion Act of 1979. (D) The coverage and contents of the four indexing bulletins in the field of banking and financing published by the Library of the Bank of Korea are similar and considerably duplicated. It is, therefore, suggested that the four indexing bulletins are combined in one to form a more comprehensive and efficient bibliographical tool in the field and it is further developed into a general guide to the literature produced in the entire field of economics in Korea by gradually expanding its subject coverage. (E) For the similar reasons stated in D, the Index to the Articles on North Korea and the Catalogue of Theses on North Korea, both publisheds by the Ministry of Unification Library, are suggested to make into one. The Index to the Articles of the Selected North Korean Journals and the Index to the Articles of the North Korean Journals in Microfilm Housed in the Ministry of Unification Library, both published by the same Library, are also suggested to be combined in one. (F) The contents of the Catalogue of the Reports Submitted by Government Officials Who Have Travelled Abroad, published by the National Archives are included in the Index to the Information Materials Related to Government Administration, published by the National Archives. The publication of the former is hardly justified. (G) The contents of the Index to Legal Literature published by the Seoul National University Libraries and those of the Law Section of the Index to Scholastic Works published by the National Central Library are nearly identical. One of the two indexes should cease to be published. (H) Though five indexes are being published in the field of political science and four in the field of public administration, their subject coverage is limited. Naturally, these indexes are little usable to many other researchers in the two fields. A comprehensive index covering all the specialised areas in each field needs to be developed on one or all the existing indexes. (I) It is suggested that the Catalogue of the Scholastic Works on Curricula published by the National Central Library expands its subject coverage to become a more usable and effective index to all the researchers in the field of education. (J) The bimonthly Index to Periodical Articles and the specialised index by subject series published by the National Assembly Library, and the Index to Scholastic Works published by the National Central Library are expected to increase their coverage and frequency of publication to be used more effectively and more efficiently by all users in all fields till the indexing bulletins suggested in this study will fully be available in Korea.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.148
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• pp.269-289
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• 2018

This article is designed to help ensure that "Laotzu's Tao and Saussure's Linguisticse's Linguistics" can meet properly. To carry out this project, I asked how to understand Laotzu's 'not the eternal Name(非常名)'. Comparing Kongzi's 'the Rectification of name(正命)' with Laotzu's 'not the eternal Name', The meaning of the two concepts becomes clear. Kongzi's 'the Rectification of name' is political philosophy to restore etiquette through language order. In comparison, Laotzu's 'not the eternal Name' refers to Randomness[arbitraire] of the symbol. It shows that the order of languages can be dismantled, and that the structure, norms, and etiquette of society, which are established by language order, can be dismantled. Laotzu's 'not the eternal Name' is a logic that defies language as an institution, as a symbolism, and as a logic of disintegration. To illustrate this point, Searsure's Linguistics was brought in for discussion. In Saussure's Linguistics, the arbitrary nature of the symbol is the same as the Lotzu's 'Not the eternal Name'. Three arguments were used to elucidate the logic of the resistance and the logic of Deconstruct of the Language structure. First, I explained that the discussion of 'Name' was not just about 'the name of an object' but about the system, laws and norms of a society. Second, I explained the argument that language order is a social institution and a social structure by taking the words Saussure and Lacon. Third, I explained that 'not the eternal Name' is an important term that reveals the arbitrary and arbitrary relationship between the signifiant and the signifie. These arguments explain that Laotzu's 'not the eternal Name' is the logic of dismantling the language as a system and as the symbolic.