• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.3 no.1 s.5
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• pp.105-156
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• 2003

This paper aims to explore the cause and aspect of inter-ministerial policy conflict and its coordination in science and technology policy-making with the case of science and technology basic law-making process in Korea. This law-making processes are analysed through the three periods for the last 10 years starting 1992, such as law-formulation(1st) period, interim law-making (2nd) period, and final law-making(3rd) period. Based on these steps, it tries to concretely describe the phenomenon of policy conflict and the coordination mechanism among government departments and analyses the characteristics of dynamic interaction and mutual adjustment among the related agencies. The analysis is mainly focussed on the underlying causes and determinants of policy conflict, the development and coordination process of the conflict, the strategies and logics of the conflict participants, and eliciting some policy implications for effective policy coordination among government departments. Research results are summarized as follows. First, in science and technology policy-making the main causes of policy conflict among government departments are attributed to the difference of policy-orientation and jurisdiction-orientation of each agency. During the first period, the main aspect of policy conflict was policy-oriented, during the second, the main aspects of policy conflict were both policy-oriented and jurisdiction-oriented, and during the third, policy-oriented conflict was dominant. Second, the dominant typology and strategies of policy coordination which the participants used were vertical-political and horizontal-analytic approach. During the first period, horizontal and analytical approach were used, during the second, horizontal and political approach are mixedly used, and during the third, vertical and political approach were dominantly used. Third, The Korean National Assembly and the ruling party played a pivotal role in science and technology policy-making process(the basic law-making process) in particular during the final period.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.59 no.4
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• pp.137-162
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• 2007

In democracy basic rights such as political equality and participation through elections have been respected, opportunities of corporation and opposition have been guaranteed, and ability of self-learning and self-correction have been developed. These positive factors give preconditions for the welfare development in the democratic state. Because in this state adults get the suffrage and the open competition for official positions induces political parties use social policies as means to win the election. That is to say, political parties have an incentive to use various social policies to win the election. Democracy, therefore, has affinity with social policy. The affinity between democracy and social policy can be found also in Korea which was democratized in 1987. But, in Korea, the positive relationship between democracy and social policy is very weak due to the problem of constitutional structures. Korean Parliament usually enacts abstract social act and delegates the right to fill concrete contents of the social acts to the executive. Delegation itself has no problem, but excessive delegation is a problem since the executive can overuse its discretion as sacrificing the social rights of the citizen. In addition social consensus could not be achieved in this constitutional structures, which are a obstacle to establishing a political process in the Parliament to promote the welfare development through party competition. Excessive delegation should be reduced, and the Parliament should fill concrete contents of the social acts as exercising its legislative power more. Then a mechanism of welfare development can be launched in Korea.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.3-24
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• 2019

This study examined the trends and issues of social media campaign studies from three aspects-campaign strategy, institutional environment regulating the social media, and political effect. Then, this study performed an empirical analysis on the case of the 20th general election in order to discuss the political effect, which has been analyzed the least. Specifically, this study empirically examined the trends of candidates' participation in the twitter campaign, the partial mobilization and voter response, and the platform effect on the election results. The study examined all of the candidates' twitter accounts and traffic and found the following results.-first, the number of participants in the twitter campaign increased significantly compared to the 19th general election, and the campaign was dominated by only two political parties that had more power to mobilize resources; second, it was clearly identified that twitter is a partisan media. where specifically, those in the mainstream of the Democratic Party mobilized much more supporters; and lastly, the twitter campaign has a positive impact on the increase in the rate of votes and chances of winning the election. Particularly, the number of followers and the duration of activities were found statistically meaningful, proving that promotion of networking and social capital is more important in election campaigns.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.111-141
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• 2018

By the middle of 2018 there are signs of China's entry into a new period of development, characterized by a change in the old model: "market reforms-inner-party democratization - moderate foreign policy" to another: "market reforms - Xi Jinping personality cult - offensive foreign policy." This model contains the risks of arising of the contradiction between economic freedom and political-ideological rigidity which can lead to destabilization of the political life. However, in the current positive economic dynamics, these risks may come out, rather, in the medium and long term. Today, the political situation in China remains stable - despite growing dissatisfaction in scientific expert and educational circles due to increased control over the intellectual sphere by the authorities. The need for a new redistribution of power between central and provincial authorities could potentially disrupt political stability in the medium term, but, at the moment, is not a critical negative factor. The economic situation is positive-stable. Forecasts indicate a possible increase in China's GDP in 2018 at 6.5%. At the same time, there are negative expectations in connection with the Sino-US and potentially Sino-European "trade war". In the Chinese foreign policy, as a response to Western pressure, China increasingly uses the Russian direction of its diplomacy in the expanded version of Russia + SCO. The nuance here is seen in China's adjusted approach to the SCO: first of all, not as a mechanism for cooperation with Russia, but as an organization that allows using Russia's potential for pressure on the US in the Sino-US strategic rivalry. In the second half of 2018, the Chinese economy will continue to develop steadily, albeit with unresolved traditional problems (debts of provinces and state-owned enterprises, ineffective state sector, risks on the financial and real estate market). In politics, discontent with the cult of Xi will accumulate, but without real threats to its power. Weakening in economic opposition between China and the United States is possible due to Beijing's search for compromises on tariffs, intellectual property, trade deficit. To find such trade-offs, Xi will use the so-called. "Personal diplomacy" of direct contacts with Trump.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.105-118
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• 2003

In both elections of 1997 and 2001, Tony Blair of the Labour Party won #10 of Downing Street. This political success had to do with regionalism and was particular due to the devolution policy that was supported by non English citizens. However, there are negative voices about this policy which tries to cope with regional conflicts by decentralizing the central political power. The paper aims to examine the current regionalism movements and the devolution policy in Britain. For this purpose, the nation-building processes of the United Kingdom and various reactions to these processes, especially regional ethnic conflicts are discussed. And the study finally investigates the future perspectives of the devolution policy and its implications for both regionalism and the national-regional developments in Britain.

• The Journal of Korea Institute of Information, Electronics, and Communication Technology
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.213-222
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• 2016

The policy agenda setting is the symbolic policy of representing the public at home and abroad in addition to what a role of the government and the ruling party made a great contribution out of a political stream, rather than the policy that was formed by external group. Especially, a policy for migrant workers and married immigrant women is the important policy that will need to be solved in the global era. Accordingly, the purpose of this study is to confirm a factor, which had a decisive influence upon a policy, by examining the decision-making process of 'policy for the married immigrant women' with which the government pushes ahead. A specific plan for achieving this research objective is as follows. It progresses a theoretical discussion about the multi-cultural policy in south Korea and discusses the process that the multi-cultural policy is formed. The advancing stage includes the process of forming a multi-cultural discourse, the differentiation process that a multi-cultural discourse is diversely formed, and the process of being made a policy of multi-cultural discourse, which had been formed by section.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.51 no.3
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• pp.293-322
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• 2017

The purpose of the study is to identify the background of the agenda-setting to appoint library professional as the director of National Assembly Library and characteristics of the policy entrepreneur of this agenda. To this purpose an agenda-setting process in 2014 is analyzed with the Kingdon's multiple streams model. Kingdon's multiple streams model explains that an agenda is set when a window of opportunity is opened by coupling of problem stream, political stream, and policy stream. They have existed independently before setting the agenda. This study showed that the political stream was the major stream to open the window of opportunity. The lawmaker in the opposition party is identified as the leader for the agenda and the motivations, resources, and strategies of the policy entrepreneur were also analyzed. The analysis showed the agenda for library professional as the director was set without visible participation of library professionals. Therefore this study proposed the library professionals' roles for the library and information policy making process.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.14 no.9
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• pp.218-226
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• 2014

China has become a G-2 Superpower country as result of rapid economic growth through the reform and opening-up in these days. It expressed its confidence by helding a few big international events, such as Bejing Olympic Games. Shanghai Expo. Though most Chinese people give their agreement and support to the government, there are serious, ill-concealed political problems behind the curtain in China. As a multi-ethnic nation, China has repeated experience of fragmentation and integration of various ethnic groups through her long history. In spite of top-level political leaders of communist party always concern the issues of separatism very sensitively, China has suffered occasional bloodshed terrorism because of erupting ethnic and religious conflicts. Especially there are many disruption and fear due to the bloodshed and terrorism by a minority race-seperatists of Uighur tribe in Xinjiang province. The Uighur in Xinjiang province is very different from major Chinese Han ethnically and culturally. Although Chinese government has presented various policies in order to suppress the Uighus's desire for seperation, they have not been able to offer a fundamental, satisfying solution. Because we, Korean people face the expansion of possibility of conflicts, such as increasing of foreign workers, multi-cultural families and extremists. At this point, I believe we can learn valuable lessons from Chinese experiences for anti-terrorism.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.111-120
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• 2020

As an application of big data and artificial intelligence techniques, this study proposes an atypical language-based sentimental opinion poll methodology, unlike conventional opinion poll methodology. An alternative method for the sentimental classification model based on existing statistical analysis was to collect real-time Twitter data related to parliamentary elections and perform empirical analyses on the Polarity and Intensity of public opinion using attribute-based sensitivity analysis. In order to classify the polarity of words used on individual SNS, the polarity of the new Twitter data was estimated using the learned Lasso and Ridge regression models while extracting independent variables that greatly affect the polarity variables. A social network analysis of the relationships of people with friends on SNS suggested a way to identify peer group sensitivity. Based on what voters expressed on social media, political opinion sensitivity analysis was used to predict party approval rating and measure the accuracy of the predictive model polarity analysis, confirming the applicability of the sensitivity analysis methodology in the political field.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.351-377
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• 2008

Corruption in China became increasingly serious during the early period of its social transition, resulting in severe economic losses and huge challenges to China's government institution, as well as gradually becoming socially widespread. Recently. China's political corruption is an outcome of the attenuated political control, which has been caused by a systemic change from planned economy to market economy since 1978, and the lack of institutionalization to relieve such transition. Besides, the immature market system and state's intervention in the economy are other factors for the corruption. In short, current China's corruption can be regarded as a structuralized phenomenon. This article identified such circumstance by analyzing the scope, degree, and scale of the corruption. Overall assessment of the some factors suggests that present economic modernization is a principal cause for Chinese corruption while the other factors-monopoly power system in the Chinese Communist Party and the transformation of connection-are important but secondary.