• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.46-64
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• 1994

Among every civilized people salt has been recognized as an essential foodstuff to the human society without which even man's survivor is unthinkable. The cultural-anthropological meaning of salt is estimated highly as well, and in geographical perspective salt itself symbolize regional interrelationship. Playing a decisive role in freeing innermost settlement from isolation, salt aiso made a contribution to expanding human habitats. This study tries to reconstruct historica geography of 18th and 19th century surrounding traditional salt-roasting (chayeom). The Joolpo Inlet area which is located on the mid-western coast in Honem Region is selected for study area. Established on the basis of optimum physical geographical conditions such as topography, climate and vegetation, salt-making of Joolpo Inlet area was run dynamically with the sudden turn of events in the 18-19th century which was chacterized as an age of transition from medieval society to modern one. In this paper the writer attempts to clarify mainly following three points: physical conditions and socio-economic background leading to the initiation and later development of roasting of salt in Joolpo Bay; distribution of saltworks; methods of saltmaking. Main points drawn from these analyses can be summarized as follows: of iron pan and cow-drawn tools rendered labour-saving and output growth. 1, Saltworks of Joolpo Inlet area in the 18-19th century were distributed evenly over Kobu, Puan, Mujang and Heungduck counties among which Kobu's was located in Puanmyon - a sort of exclave. All saltworks belonging to above four counties were clasified as most lucrative ones in Honam Region on government archives. In particular, Gumdang saltwork which belongs to Mujang county is noteworthy in that it was first introduced by one Paekje priest in 6th century and therefore it provides a clue to examine the history of salt-roasting of Joolpo Inlet area. In light of the fact that temple or monastery economy, regardless of East and West, has been closely connected with traditional industry, the case of Gumdang is not unusual. 2. The process of saltmaking follows this order: harrowing of salt field exposed to solar heat; construction of saltern mound with saline earth; acquiring of brine by leaching saline earth; roasting of salt. Salterns (saltworks) are consisted with various salt making facilities such as roasting shed, saltern mound, salt field, salt well) salt pit or brine pit) and seawater reservoir. Among them roasting shed which is constructed chiefly with hundreds of pieces of pine tree as a frame and with straw as roof and wall is customarily considered as an unit of saltwork. And inside it is saltpan made of two kinds of materials, that is iron pan or plaster pan. The area attached to one unit of roasting shed is approximately 1 ha, and that of saltern mound is a tenth of it.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.91-106
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• 2018

During the Old Uighur period, many works were translated into Old Uighur under the influence of Buddhism. Among these works, literary works such as $Da{\acute{s}}akarmapath{\bar{a}}vad{\bar{a}}nam{\bar{a}}l{\bar{a}}$ hold an important place. These works were usually translated from Pali to Sanskrit, from Sanskrit to Sogdian, Tocharian and Chinese, and to Old Uighur from these languages. These works which were added to the Old Uighur repertoire by translation indicate that different peoples along the ancient Silk Road had deep linguistic interactions with one another. Aside from these works, other narratives that we have been so far unable to determine whether they were translations, adaptations or original works have also been discovered. The Tale of King Chashtana, which was found in the work titled $Da{\acute{s}}akarmapath{\bar{a}}vad{\bar{a}}nam{\bar{a}}l{\bar{a}}$, is one of the tales we have been unable to classify as a translation or an original work. This tale has never been discovered with this title or this content in the languages of any of the peoples that were exposed to Buddhism along the Silk Road. On the other hand, the person whom the protagonist of this tale was named after has a very important place in the history of India, one of the countries that the Silk Road goes through. Saka Mahakshatrapa Chashtana (or Cashtana), a contemporary of Nahapana, declared himself king in Gujarat. A short time later, Chashtana, having invaded Ujjain and Maharashtra, established a powerful Saka kingdom in the west of India. His descendants reigned in the region for a long time. Another important fact about Chashtana is that coinage minted in his name was used all along the Silk Road. Chashtana, who became a significant historical figure in north western India, inspired the name of the protagonist of a tale in Old Uighur. That it is probable that the tale of King Chashtana is an original Old Uighur tale and not found in any other languages of the Silk Road brings some questions to mind: Who is Chashtana, the hero of the story? Is he related to the Saka king Chashtana in any way? What sort of influence did Chashtana have on the Silk Road and its languages? If this tale which we have never encountered in any other language of the Silk Road is indeed an original tale, why did the Old Uighurs use the name of an important Saka ruler? Is Saka-Uighur contact in question, given tales of this kind? What can we say about the historical and cultural geography of the Silk Road, given the fact that coinage was minted in his name and used along the Silk Road? In this study, I will attempt to answer these questions and share the information we have gleaned about Chashtana the hero of the tale and the Saka king Chashtana. One of the main aim of this study is to reveal the relationship between the narrative hero Chashtana and the Saka king Chashtana according to this information. Another aim of this study is to understand the history of the Saka, the Uighur and the Silk Road and to reveal the relationship between these three important subjects of history. The importance of the Silk Road will be emphasized again with the understanding of these relations. In this way, new information about Chashtana, who is an important name in the history of the India and the Silk Road, will be put forward. The history of the Sakas will be viewed from a different perspective through the Old Uighur Buddhist story.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.221-254
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• 2020

This paper finds a solution in the social context which cannot be explained thoroughly by well-timed release date, revival of comedy films, and the attraction of Lee Byeong-heon's comedy etc. while it throws question of how the film, Extreme Job captivated 16 million audience. The incredible hits of Extreme Job cannot be explained by analyzing the text alone. After this essay investigates a function and a role of comedy as a public sphere, it examines people's desires and wishes in the comedy and other genres since 2008 when the conservative government has seized power. Since 2008 a series of dark tone's action thriller, social problem film, and disaster film have emerged, these genres showed absence of public security, crisis of democracy and criticism against rulling class. On the other hand, hit comedy films have showed escapism such as weepie, nostalgia, and fantasy at the same time, generally. Although Veteran (2015) is not full-blown comedy, after this film's big success, "comic mode" has gradually revived. A light tone's films which are truer to genre rules has started representing the wishes of people toward social reforms and changes. Meanwhile, "Candlelight Protest" served as a momentum to recover the democracy which has been in crisis, but it could not lead changes in economic and daily lives. Exreme Job can be read as a question how we will survive since "Candlight Protest." The lives of detectives as self-employed workers who has taken over a fried chicken restaurant for going undercover are appearances of ordinary persons who must survive in the edless conpetition. Furthermore, this film shows a dream of a "great success myth" which becomes well-known as a famous restaurant and a self-management such as brand-naming and an exapansion of franchise business. We can read ganster's chicken franchises as a huge distribution industry which disturbs market system by delivering drugs secretly. While applauses that we give to the police having identities of self-employed workers which sweeps the ganster are giving support to oridinary neighborhood like us, they are also wishes of people who long for the restoration of publicness of police in the market which is becoming increasingly privatized today. A significance of this essay is to examine Extreme Job in terms of the geography of film genres and the revival of comic mode sicne 2008 at the macro level, and is to read the film in the perspective of the problems of economic and daily lives which has been still unsolved since "Candlelight Protest" at the micro level.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.488-505
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• 2007

The purposes of this research are twofold; 1) to verify spatial differences of tectonic movement using the spatial distribution of earthquakes, and 2) to infer mechanisms that generate spatial accumulation patterns of earthquakes in the Korean Peninsula. The first part of this sequential paper (Park, 2007) argues that the Korean Peninsula consists of four geostructural regions in which tectonic deformation and consequent geomorphological development patterns are different from each other Since this conclusion has been made by terrain analyses alone, it is necessary to verify this suggestion using other independent geophysical data. Because earthquakes are results of movement and deformation of land masses moving in different directions, the distribution of earthquake epicenters may be used to identify the direction and rates of land mass movement. This paper first analysed the spatial distribution of earthquakes using spatial statistics, and then results were compared with the spatial arrangement of geostructural regions. The spatial distribution of earthquakes in the Korean Peninsula can be summarized as the followings; firstly, the intensity of earthquakes shows only weak spatial dependency, and shows large difference even at adjacent regions. Secondly, the epicenter distribution has a clear spatial accumulation pattern, even though the intensity of earthquake shows a random pattern. Thirdly, the high density area of earthquakes shows a clear 'L' shape, passing through Pyeongannam-do, centered at Pyeongyang, and Hwanghae-do, Seosan and Pohang. The correlation coefficient between the density of earthquakes and distance from geostructral region boundaries is much higher than those between the density of fault lines and distance from tectonic division boundaries. Since fault lines and tectonic divisions in the Korean Peninsula are the results of long-term geological development, there is an apparent scale discrepancy to find significant correlations with earthquakes. This result verifies the research hypothesis that the Korean Peninsula is divided into four geostructral regions in which each has its own moving direction and spatial deformation characteristics. The existence of geostructural regions is also supported by the movement parrerns of land masses estimated from the GPS measurements. This conclusion is expected to provide a new perspective to understand the geomorphological developments and the earthquake occurrences in the Korean Peninsula.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.38 no.3
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• pp.426-443
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• 2003

Electronic Commerce (EC) has been at the center of discussion as a symbol of the integration of unprecedentedly developed Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) and traditional commerce. In spite of much attention to EC, the research from a spatial perspective has not proliferated yet. EC was regarded to have aspatial characteristics based on the expectation for a global expansion of business activities in a digital economy. This paper attempts to figure out the spatial characteristics of public Business-to-Business electronic marketplaces (public B2B e-MPs), as one of the most evolving forms of B2B EC, regardless of the low proportion in B2B EC at present. Many of the firms operating public B2B e-MPs in Korea were located in Seoul, especially in Gangnam-gu. The analysis of three spatial indices showed their extreme spatial concentration. The analysis on the location factors of Public B2B e-MP firms in Korea demonstrated that location factors of public B2B e-MP firms were differentiated by regional groups: Gangnam-gu, Seoul except Gangnam-gu, and the provinces. It was againt an initial extreme expectation that the firms relevant to B2B EC will not care about physical locations because they mainly do businesses in electronic space. The differences between those in Gangnam-gu and in the provinces were strikingly prominent. Such differentiated location factors by region were closely related to the different attributes of the public B2B e-MPs by region. In conclusion, public B2B e-MPs are not irrelevant to physical space and physical proximity, at least at a current stage. Customized spatial strategies are required for successful online businesses.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.2
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• pp.15-28
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• 2021

'Cheonunjeongsa (天雲精舍)', designated as Gyeongsangbukdo Folklore Cultural Property No. 76, is a Siksanjeongsa built in 1700 by Manbu Lee Shiksan. In this study, we investigate the life and perspective of Manbu Lee in relation to Siksanjeongsa, and estimate the feng shui location, territoriality, and original landscape by analyzing 「Nuhangnok」 and 「Nuhando」, the results of his political management. The following results were derived by examining the philosophy that the scholar wanted to include in his space. First, Manbu Lee Shiksan was a representative hermit-type confucian scholar in the late Joseon Dynasty. 'Siksan', the name of the government official and the nickname of Manbu Lee, is derived from the mountain behind the village, and he wanted to rest in the four areas of thought(思), body(躬), speech(言), and friendship(交). During the difficult years of King Sukjong, Lee Manbu of a Namin family expressed his will to seclude through the title 'Siksan'. Second, There is a high possibility of restoration close to the original. Manbu Lee recorded the location of Siksanjeongsa, spatial structure, buildings and landscape facilities, trees, surrounding landscape, and usage behaviors in 「Nuhangnok」, and left a book of 《Nuhangdo》. Third, Manbu Lee refers to the feng shui geography view that Oenogok is closed in two when viewed from the outside, but is cozy and deep and can be seen from a far when entering inside. The whole village of Nogok was called Siksanjeongsa, which means through the name. It can be seen that the area was formed and expanded. Fourth, the spatial composition of Siksanjeongsa can be divided into a banquet space, an education space, a support space, a rest space, a vegetable and an herbal garden. The banquet space composed of Dang, Lu, and Yeonji is a personal space where Manbu Lee, who thinks about the unity of the heavenly people, the virtue of the gentleman, and humanity, is a place for lectures and a place to live. Fifth, Yangjeongjae area is an educational space, and Yangjeongjae is a name taken from the main character Monggwa, and it is a name that prayed for young students to grow brightly and academically. Sixth, the support space composed of Ganjijeong, Gobandae, and Sehandan is a place where the forested areas in the innermost part of Siksanjeongsa are cleared and a small pavilion is built using natural standing stones and pine trees as a folding screen. The virtue and grace of stopping. It contains the meaning of leisure and the wisdom of a gentleman. Seventh, outside the wall of Siksanjeongsa, across the eastern stream, an altar was built in a place with many old trees, called Yeonggwisa, and a place of rest was made by piling up an oddly shaped stone and planting flowers. Eighth, Manbu Lee, who knew the effects of vegetables and medicinal herbs in detail like the scholars of the Joseon Dynasty, cultivated a vegetable garden and an herbal garden in Jeongsa. Ninth, it can be seen that Lee Manbu realized the Neo-Confucian utopia in his political life by giving meaning to each space of Siksanjeongsa by naming buildings and landscaping facilities and planting them according to ancient events.