• Title/Summary/Keyword: parental modernity

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The Effect of Parental Modernity and Children's Misbehavior on Parenting Stress of Mothers (어머니의 현대적 양육관과 아동의 행동문제가 어머니의 양육 스트레스에 미치는 영향)

  • Kim, Hye Soon;Kang, Gi Sook;Yun, Young Bae
    • Korean Journal of Childcare and Education
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    • v.1 no.1
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    • pp.147-165
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    • 2005
  • The purpose of this study was to clarify the effect of the modernity of mothers and children's misbehavior on parenting stress of mothers. The subjects of this study was 210 mothers who lived in Korea. The results of this study were as follows: First, No significant statistical difference was found on the parental modernity of mothers by children's sex. Second, No significant statistical difference was found on parenting stress of mothers by the level of education of mothers but significant statistical difference was found on parenting stress by the level of parental modernity. Third, the more mothers had the level of education, the more mothers had parental modernity. Fourth, more children had misbehavior, the more mothers had parenting stress, Fifth, the more mothers had the parental modernity, the less mothers had parenting stress. These results suggest that the parenting stress was effected by both parenting modernity and children's misbehavior but also it was much relevant to children's misbehavior than parenting modernity.

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AGE AT MARRIAGE AND FERTILITY OF WOMEN IN THREE SELECTED AREAS IN KOREA, 1970 (한국 3개 지역의 결혼, 결혼년령 및 출산력에 관한 연구)

  • 김모임
    • Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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    • v.3 no.3
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    • pp.1-14
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    • 1973
  • This study is designed to meet the following objectives: (1) To study attitude and behavior regarding marriage and age at marriage, (2) To learn correlates of age at marriage and to examine their relations, (3) To measure relative importance of the correlates of age at marriage, and (4) To study relations of age at marriage and family planning practice to fertility and their relative importance as correlates of fertility. The data are obtained by an independent cross-sectional survey in three study areas purposively selected to represent metropolitan. semihuman. rural population. The study population is confined to women age 17-50 as of survey. The overall response rate is 90%. Reliability of data is measured by . individual and aggregate inconsistency based upon a 15% subsample of the original interviews. The individual inconsistency (31%) is found to be high compared to the aggregate inconsistency (6%) for all 85 variables. However, the magnitude of differences between means is small, and the mean absolute shifts and proportional shifts are also small on the whole. In a word respondents did not change their answers too extremely or radically. The study populations of each study area are compared on some basic characteristics. It is found that the three study populations have more dissimilarities than similarities. The findings on seven different attitudinal positions of women toward marriage indicate that there have been tremendous changes in all study areas Iron "traditional" attitudes which have been prevalent for a long time in Korean society to "liberalized" or "modernized" attitudes. An apparent tendency is that women generally take a position of a "golden mean" attitude by not preferring either extreme of marriage attitudes. Nevertheless, the young, single, educated, and urbanite appears more "liberalized. " There has been some increase in ideal age at marriage from 1958 to 1970 for both sexes. No age group, marital status, or study area differentials in ideal age at marriage are found, the average ideal age at marriage in every sub-group being 24-25. Awareness of existing legal marriageable ages is low; only 4.4% are aware that "with parental permission: minimum age for males is 18 years and for females 16 years,"and only 3.7% are aware that "without parental permission: 27 years for males and 23 years for females." People in Korra tend to marry spouses who are in various social ways like themselves: the similarities include (a) education, occupational status of father, (c) economic status, (d) usual residence before marriage, and (e) religion. Both singulars and actual mean ages at marriage in this study confirm the trend of rising age at marriage previously established by other independent studies. The urban-rural differential in age at marriage is observed, but the differential narrows down gradually from 1935 to 1970. All socio-economic, demographic, and other variables pertaining to wife before and at first marriage, excluding (a) religion, (b) father′s of occupation, and (c) as: of menarche, are correlated with respondent's age at first marriage, whereas only three variables out of all socio-economic variables relating to husband before and at wife′s first marriage, viz., (a) education, (b) usual residence, and (c) economic level of his old home, are correlated with respondent′s age at marriage. Among socio-economic and modernity variables related to either husband or wife at the time of survey, only education and duration of residence are correlated with wife′s age at first marriage. Among the correlates of respondent′age at first marriage, education is in general the most important variable. However, it is found that wife′s education is more important than husband′s. The combined effects or the correlates studied explain no more than about 40% of variance for any of the selected groups of variables. Points which might counteract the effects of late marriage on fertility are not serious in Korea. For each of the correlates of the three fertility indices chosen for this study. namely, (a) number of living children, (b) number of live births, and (c) number of pregnancies, age at marriage is the major contributor to the variance in all age groups except the age group of 20-29 in which the index of family planning practice is the major contributor. The proportion of variability in fertility indices accounted for by the correlates is never more than 40% of the total variance in any age group. Based upon the findings from this study, it could be concluded that in the foreseeable future (a) celibate group will no! be increased to a point that would slow down population growth rate in Korea, (b) age at marriage will not increase continually, (c) although education stands out as the major contributing variable which independently explains the variation in age at marriage, it seems probable that education may not be the major variable in the near future, and (d) despite the fact found by this study that age at marriages has been the major contributor to the variance of each of the fertility indices used, family planning practice will play a more important role in the reduction of fertility in the Korean society. Therefore, factors interrupting practice of family planning must be eliminated and family planning program should be strengthened if further fertility reduction is needed.

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"As the Scientific Witness Is a Court Witness and Is Not a Party Witness" ("과학의 승리"는 어떻게 선언될 수 있는가? 친자 확인을 위한 혈액형 검사가 법원으로 들어갔던 과정)

  • Kim, Hyomin
    • Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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    • v.19 no.1
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    • pp.1-51
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    • 2019
  • The understanding of law and science as fundamentally different two systems, in which fact stands against justice, rapid progress against prudent process, is far too simple to be valid. Nonetheless, such account is commonly employed to explain the tension between law and science or justice and truth. Previous STS research raises fundamental doubts upon the off-the-shelf concept of "scientific truth" that can be introduced to the court for legal judgment. Delimiting the qualification of the expert, the value of the expert knowledge, or the criteria of the scientific expertise have always included social negotiation. What are the values that are affecting the boundary-making of the thing called "modern science" that is supposedly useful in solving legal conflicts? How do the value of law and the meaning of justice change as the boundaries of modern science take shapes? What is the significance of "science" when it is emphasized, particularly in relation to the legal provisions of paternity, and how does this perception of science affect unfoldings of legal disputes? In order to explore the answers to the above questions, we follow a process in which a type of "knowledge-deficient model" of a court-that is, law lags behind science and thus, under-employs its useful functions-can be closely examined. We attend to a series of discussions and subsequent changes that occurred in the US courts between 1930s and 1970s, when blood type tests began to be used to determine parental relations. In conclusion, we argue that it was neither nature nor truth in itself that was excavated by forensic scientists and legal practitioners, who regarded blood type tests as a truth machine. Rather, it was their careful practices and crafty narratives that made the roadmaps of modern science, technology, and society on which complex tensions between modern states, families, and courts were seen to be "resolved".