• Title/Summary/Keyword: outer lead

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The Monitoring on Plasticizers and Heavy Metals in Teabags (침출용 티백 포장재의 안전성에 관한 연구)

  • Eom, Mi-Ok;Kwak, In-Shin;Kang, Kil-Jin;Jeon, Dae-Hoon;Kim, Hyung-Il;Sung, Jun-Hyun;Choi, Hee-Jung;Lee, Young-Ja
    • Journal of Food Hygiene and Safety
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    • v.21 no.4
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    • pp.231-237
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    • 2006
  • Nowadays the teabag is worldwide used for various products including green tea, tea, coffee, etc. since it is convenient for use. In case of outer packaging printed, however, there is a possibility that the plasticizers which is used for improvement in adhesiveness of printing ink may shift to inner tea bag. In this study, in order to monitor residual levels of plasticizers in teabags, we have established the simultaneous analysis method of 9 phthalates and 7 adipates plasticizers using gas chromatography (GC). These compounds were also confirmed using gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (GC-MSD). The recoveries of plasticizers analyzed by GC ranged from 82.7% to 104.6% with coefficient of variation of $0.6\sim2.7%$ and the correlation coefficients of each plasticizer was $0.9991\sim0.9999$. Therefore this simultaneous analysis method was showed excellent reproducibility and linearity. And limit of detection (LOD) and limit of quantitation (LOQ) on individual plasticizer were $0.1\sim3.5\;ppm\;and\;0.3\sim11.5\;ppm$ respectively. When 143 commercial products of teabag were monitored, no plasticizers analysed were detected in filter of teabag products. The migration into $95^{\circ}C$ water as food was also examined and the 16 plasticizers are not detected. In addition we carried out analysis of heavy metals, lead (Pb), cadmium (Cd), arsenic (As) and aluminum (Al) in teabag filters using ICP/AES. $Trace\sim23{\mu}g$ Pb per teabag and $0.6\sim1718{\mu}g$ Al per teabag were detected in materials of samples and Cd and As are detected less than LOQ (0.05 ppm). The migration levels of Pb and Al from teabag filter to $95^{\circ}C$ water were upto $11.5{\mu}g\;and\;20.8{\mu}g$ per teabag, respectively and Cd and As were not detected in exudate water of all samples. Collectively, these results suggest that there is no safety concern from using teabag filter.

A Review Examining the Dating, Analysis of the Painting Style, Identification of the Painter, and Investigation of the Documentary Records of Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple (용주사(龍珠寺) <삼세불회도(三世佛會圖)> 연구의 연대 추정과 양식 분석, 작가 비정, 문헌 해석의 검토)

  • Kang, Kwanshik
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.97
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    • pp.14-54
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    • 2020
  • The overall study of Samsaebulhoedo (painting of the Assembly of Buddhas of Three Ages) at Yongjusa Temple has focused on dating it, analyzing the painting style, identifying its painter, and scrutinizing the related documents. However, its greater coherence could be achieved through additional support from empirical evidence and logical consistency. Recent studies on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple that postulate that the painting could have been produced by a monk-painter in the late nineteenth century and that an original version produced in 1790 could have been retouched by a painter in the 1920s using a Western painting style lack such empirical proof and logic. Although King Jeongjo's son was not yet installed as crown prince, the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple contained a conventional written prayer wishing for a long life for the king, queen, and crown prince: "May his majesty the King live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). Later, this phrase was erased using cinnabar and revised to include unusual content in an exceptional order: "May his majesty the King live long / May his highness the King's Affectionate Mother (Jagung) live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 慈宮邸下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). A comprehensive comparison of the formats and contents in written prayers found on late Joseon Buddhist paintings and a careful analysis of royal liturgy during the reign of King Jeongjo reveal Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple to be an original version produced at the time of the founding of Yongjusa Temple in 1790. According to a comparative analysis of formats, iconography, styles, aesthetic sensibilities, and techniques found in Buddhist paintings and paintings by Joseon court painters from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple bears features characteristic of paintings produced around 1790, which corresponds to the result of analysis on the written prayer. Buddhist paintings created up to the early eighteenth century show deities with their sizes determined by their religious status and a two-dimensional conceptual composition based on the traditional perspective of depicting close objects in the lower section and distant objects above. This Samsaebulhoedo, however, systematically places the Buddhist deities within a threedimensional space constructed by applying a linear perspective. Through the extensive employment of chiaroscuro as found in Western painting, it expresses white highlights and shadows, evoking a feeling that the magnificent world of the Buddhas of the Three Ages actually unfolds in front of viewers. Since the inner order of a linear perspective and the outer illusion of chiaroscuro shading are intimately related to each other, it is difficult to believe that the white highlights were a later addition. Moreover, the creative convergence of highly-developed Western painting style and techniques that is on display in this Samsaebulhoedo could only have been achieved by late-Joseon court painters working during the reign of King Jeongjo, including Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin. Deungun, the head monk of Yongjusa Temple, wrote Yongjusa sajeok (History of Yongjusa Temple) by compiling the historical records on the temple that had been transmitted since its founding. In Yongjusa sajeok, Deungun recorded that Kim Hongdo painted Samsaebulhoedo as if it were a historical fact. The Joseon royal court's official records, Ilseongnok (Daily Records of the Royal Court and Important Officials) and Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok (Suwon Construction Records), indicate that Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin all served as a supervisor (gamdong) for the production of Buddhist paintings. Since within Joseon's hierarchical administrative system it was considered improper to allow court painters of government position to create Buddhist paintings which had previously been produced by monk-painters, they were appointed as gamdong in name only to avoid a political liability. In reality, court painters were ordered to create Buddhist paintings. During their reigns, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo summoned the literati painters Jo Yeongseok and Kang Sehwang to serve as gamdong for the production of royal portraits and requested that they paint these portraits as well. Thus, the boundary between the concept of supervision and that of painting occasionally blurred. Supervision did not completely preclude painting, and a gamdong could also serve as a painter. In this light, the historical records in Yongjusa sajeok are not inconsistent with those in Ilseongnok, Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok, and a prayer written by Hwang Deok-sun, which was found inside the canopy in Daeungjeon Hall at Yongjusa Temple. These records provided the same content in different forms as required for their purposes and according to the context. This approach to the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple will lead to a more coherent explanation of dating the painting, analyzing its style, identifying its painter, and interpreting the relevant documents based on empirical grounds and logical consistency.