• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.391-435
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• 2018

This is the first study in Musicology that discusses the features of Kangwon Sangkangrye(the pre-lecture ritual in Buddhism). In this thesis, I reviewed and compared the similarity and uniqueness between Kangwon Sangkangrye in "Seokmunuibom" and the one being performed these days. The musical relation between the performance shown in the historical record and the one in contemporary ritual was illustrated here based on the findings derived from the anlaysis on its bell(小鐘) performance. The analysis made upon musical sources recorded on-site shows the characteristics of contemporary Kangwon Sangkangrye. Following is a brief summary of this study. The review and comparison between Kangwon Sangkangrae in "Seokmunuibom" and the one being performed these days showed that the second type, which was significantly different from the first type, was closer to that of the historical record. The performers at Unmunsa Temple and Chungamsa Temple seemed to be following the tradition bell(小鐘) performance style which was found in the text of the historical record. Through the analysis on Kangwon Sangkangrae, I found that it has musical characteristics as follows. The vocal range of type 1 and type 2 was mostly performed within Minor 7th and didn't exceed the perfect 8th. The melodic structure of type 1 starts with do'-la of naedeureum and ended with the melody which downscaled from do' and finalized from mi to la. Usually the mode was in menari-tori but at some lecture halls a few cases found to be upscaled from sol to la which differentiates it from the typical menari-tori of folk songs. Like the typical way of traditional rites, the singing was divided into two parts: the leading call and the following choral response. Most were sung to be one syllable on one or two tones or one syllable lasting for several tones and the musical forms were varied by musical pieces. Meantime, Sangkangrae at Haeinsa Temple was differed from that of the other temples in terms of ritual procedure and vocal style. It added Korean version of and the lead vocal skipped the first phrase of the Sasul. The melodic structure of Type 2 started with do'-la of naedeureum and was finalized as the same way of Type 1. The mode of was not the same as typical menari-tori but the Jeongrye(prostration) and Balweon(a great vow) were identical to the menari-tori of folk songs. The singing was done in two forms, solo and unison, and the lyric-attachment of Gesong was one syllable for one or two tones and that of Jeongrye and Balweon were one syllable for one or two tones + one syllable for several tones. The musical form of Jeongrye is A-B-C and A-C. Balweon didn't display a certain periodicity but still maintained sense of unity and formality through repetition of the finalizing melody.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.146
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• pp.137-162
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• 2018

Zen Psychology refers to the psychology of Zen Buddhism as a field of Buddhist psychology. This paper examines the psychology of human beings, focusing on the "Platform Sutra" written by Huineng, the founder of Patriarchal Zen, and the southern Zen school. According to the classification of Buddhist psychology, Zen psychology is divided into theory of Zen mind, theory of Zend mind function, and Zen psychotherapy. In theory of Zen mind, Huineng explains the mind based on self-nature, and explains the theory of dharma, theory of humanity, theory of dependent origination, and worldview though self-nature. Every human mind has its own original character of self-nature. When one's own mind with self-nature is revealed, it is the basic mind. When it is covered, it is the mind of common people. Self-nature is characterized by dharma construction, incompetence, non-naming, cleanliness, equality, and self-Buddhahood. In the theory of dharma, dharma is non-dual and is equal. The theory of humanity is divided into two groups according to the sharpness and dullness or capacity of the human being. From theory of dependent origination, you can see the mobility of cover and revealment, enlightment and delusion, sacred and common. In the worldview, the world and phenomena are the functions of self-nature and one's own mind. The theory of Zen mind function deals with wisdom and defilement of common people. The function of wisdom is to know the whole and one at the same time, and is intangible. Defilement of common people is an inner common people that cover the functions of wisdom. In Zen psychotherapy, in order to eliminate the gap between human and dharma, seeing into self-nature is suggested and the goal. In teleology, the goal is to reveal and see the self-nature covered by defilements. As a methodology from cover to revealment, Huineng interprets the traditional methodology as a new interpretation from the viewpoint of the mind, and presents Sammu as its own methodology. Based on the absence of attachment, Huineng proposed a methodology of No-abiding, No-thought and No-form, to gather mind on reality and treat all things equally. Based on this, Huineng proposed a new methodology for dealing with karma through repentance and vows, and a methodology for edification. In view of the Four Noble Truth, it is the phenomenon that self-nature is covered, the cause of defilement and the mind, the aim of seeing the self-nature which is covered, and the way of revealing the covered self-nature is presented. In this sense, the Zen Psychology of Platform Sutra is psychology of self-nature.

• The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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• no.31
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• pp.255-287
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• 2017

This paper analyzes the religious circuit of suicidal concept based on verbal expression and ritual acts, which are found in the suicide discourse of Korean Catholic Church and Protestant Church. In the relationship of suicide and religion, it is easily overlooked the religious circuit and its construction that forms the concept of suicide among the religious laymen. It is assumed that the belief system of traditional religions prohibits suicide and the laymen accordingly construct a perception or concept of suicide along with this belief system. Various studies on this subject have proved it. However, in order to understand the religious way of constructing the concept of suicide on a personal level, it is necessary to pay attention to the religious environment in which the concepts and emotions of suicide circulate. The laymen do not passively and perfectly accept the finely established suicide concept provided by the doctrine or the theology. Rather, the laymen tend to collect the pieces of concept over the suicide that are drifting in the religious environment of his/her daily routine life and to make an concept of suicide in an incomplete form. We can find the unstable and imperfect traits of such a suicide concept through the experience of suicide survivors who have a religious background. For the suicide survivors with religious beliefs, they resist the formal doctrinal and theological provisions to suicide, or try to understand the notion of suicide in their own contexts. In terms of linguistic expressions and ritual acts relating to suicide, the attentions are differently directed in the public and the private domain among the religious groups. Considering on the high rates of suicide in Korean society, the Korean Catholic Churches are increasingly tolerant over the suicide and accept it in the public sphere. It is unlikely when comparing to the negative attitudes of the suicide in the past. However, such tolerance does not go beyond the doctrinal and ethical judgment that defines suicide as a serious sin. The once-committed lay believer's speech and gestures usually contain the various emotions, such as sadness, grief, anxiety, regretfulness, eagerness, and pain in the private spheres. The language and gestures with these emotions have been activated in the religious circuits of suicide, being extended to the religious apparatus for the person who died of suicide. In case of Protestantism, the institutional organizations, such as the particular denominations and the individual-churchism of the Korean Protestant Churches, and their own interpretations of the Bible have in the private sphere strongly effected on the linguistic expressions and the rituals related to the suicide. The religious-ethical judgment of the suicide is varied how the suicide is interpreted by the theologians and the pastors. And the ritual acts for healing the complex feelings and the psychological wounds of the suicide survivors are not actively explored and adopted yet. It makes harder to approach and heal the protestant followers since they emphasize the innermost belief and the salvation assurance faith.

• Food Engineering Progress
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.56-63
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• 2011

Durum wheat semolina was added into wet-milled rice flour in order to improve chewy texture, firm bite ("al dente"), and resistance to overcooking of the ordinary rice noodles. Wet noodles were prepared by mixing 0 (control), 5, 10, 15, and 20% (w/w) of semolina per semolina and rice flour mixtures. Vital gluten (4%, w/w) and salt (2%, w/w) were added to form the pliable strands of wet noodles and final moisture contents of the raw mixtures were equalized at 45%. Pasting properties of the suspended flour mixtures as measured by the Rapid Visco Analyser (RVA) showed slight increases (up to $1.2^{\circ}C)$ in pasting temperatures along with the considerable decreases in peak viscosities as semolina increased at over 15%. Reduced shear thinning and retrogradation of the starch solution that leads to hardening of the cooked noodles were indicated by lowered breakdown viscosities and gaps between finaland setback viscosities from the RVA viscogram as semolina increased at over 10%. Reduced water uptake and turbidity increases of the cooking water as caused by the soluble starches from the noodle were also noted as the content of semolina increased. More or less significant (p<0.05) decreases in colorimetric L (lightness) value of the raw- and cooked noodles were observed as semolina increased while a- (redness) and b (yellowness) values were rather increased at the same moment. Textural properties of the cooked noodles such as hardness, springiness, cohesiveness, gumminess, and chewiness from TPA tests were significantly (p<0.05) influenced by added semolina, even at 5%-levels or more. It can be concluded that addition of semolina into rice flour could provide easy handling of the wet noodles without distortion during transportation, integrity and firm bite of the cooked noodles, and less loss of starch to the cooking water in comparison with the ordinary rice noodle. It was finally suggested that optimum level of the semolina in the product was approximately 10% for the quality wet rice noodle products.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.12
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• pp.137-178
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• 2005

The anticommunist guerrillas' activities that aretheconcern of this article took place largely in North Korea or behind the enemy-held lines. Verifying their history is accordingly difficult and requires careful attention, but despite their active operations the military as well as the scholarly community have been lax in studying them. The Korean War came to be perceived as a traditional, limited war with regular battles, so that the studies addressed mostly the regular operations, and guerrilla warfare is remembered as an almost 'exclusive property' of the communist invaders; a small wonder that the anticommunist guerrillas have not been studied much and the collection of materials neglected. Therefore, in contrast with the witness accounts concerning regular battles, witness resources were of a small volume about these "patriots without the service numbers." For the above reasons the guerrilla participants and their later-organized fellowships took to the task of leaving records and compiling the histories of their units. They became active preservers of history in order to inform later generations of their works and also to secure deserved benefits from the government, in a world where none recognized their achievements. For instance, 4th Donkey Unit published witness accounts in addition to a unit history, and left video-recordings of guerrilla witnesses before any institute systematized the oral history of the guerrillas. In the case of Kyulsa ("Resolved to Die") Guerrilla Unit, the unit history was 10 times revised and expanded upon for publication, contributing substantially to the recovery of anticommunist guerrilla history which had almost totally lacked documented resources. Now because the guerrilla-related witness accounts were produced through fellowship societies and not individually, it often took the form of 'collective memory.' As a result, though thousands of former guerrillas remain surviving, the scarcity of numerous versions of, or perspectives upon, an event renders difficult an objective approach to the historical truth. Even requests to verify the service of a guerrilla member or to apply for decoration or government benefits for those killed in action, the process is taken care of not at the hands of the first party but the veteran society, so that a variety of opinions are not available for consideration. Moreover, some accounts were taken by American military personnel, and since some historians, unaware of official documents or evaluation of achievements, tended to center the records around their own units and especially to exaggerate the units' performances, they often featured factual errors. Thefollowing is the means to utilize positively the aforementioned type of witness accounts in military history research. It involves the active use of military historical detachments (MHD). As in the examples of those dispatched by the American forces during the Korean War, experts should be dispatched during, and not just after, wartimes. By considering and investigating the differences among various perspectives on the same historical event, even without extra documented resources it is possibleto arrive at theerrors or questionable points of the oral accounts, supplementing the additional accounts. Therefore any time lapses between witness accounts must be kept in consideration. Moreover when the oral accounts come from a group such as participants in the same guerrilla unit or operation, a standardized list of items ought to be put to use. Education in oral history is necessary not just for the training of experts. In America wherethefield sees much activity, it is used not only in college or graduate programs but also in elementary and lifetime educational processes. In comparison in our nation, and especially in historical disciplines, methodological insistence upon documented evidences prevails in the main, and in the fields of nationalist movement or modern history, oral accounts do not receive adequate attention. Like ancient documents and monuments, oral history also needs to be made a regular part of diverse resource materials at our academic institutes for history. Courses in memory and history, such as those in American colleges, are available possibilities.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.3
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• pp.110-125
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to investigate the constructional facts and the operational features of Hamchunwon(含春苑), a wonyu(苑?, a royal garden) constructed in Dongbu(Eastern District) of the capital city of Hanyang. As the living quarters of the queen dowagers were scheduled for relocation after the construction of Changgyeonggung Palace(昌慶宮) during the reign of King Seongjong(成宗), it is presumed that the screening tree planting project discussed around tongmangcheo(通望處, a place allowing open view) was the original form of Dongbu Hamchunwon. Dongbu Hamchunwon was a longitudinal royal garden built in the area across the section from Wolgeunmun Gate(月覲門) to Seoninmun Gate(宣仁門), which were both attached to the east side walls of Changgyeonggung Palace. The area corresponds to the west side area of the newly built main building of Seoul National University Hospital today. During the Joseon Dynasty, only royal gardens built within a palace were referred to as geumwon(禁苑, a palace garden). But Dongbu Hamchunwon which was built outside a palace was recognized as a symbolic and hierarchical space comparable to geumwon. The site location of Donbu Hamchunwon was an important place that corresponded to Naecheongnyong(內靑龍) according to Hanyang's geomancy, and large-scale public works were prohibited in order to protect the vein of Naecheongnyong. During the reign of King Injo(仁祖), part of Dongbu Hamchunwon was partitioned as a ranch. The area around the ranch was called Madongsan(馬東山) and Bangmawon(放馬苑) and was an open space used for rest and pleasure (amusement). In the early days of Hamchunwon's construction, fast growing trees were planted to screen the view to Changgyeonggung Palace. However, after the construction of Gyeongmogung Shrine(景慕宮), a broad scale tree planting project was undertaken to complement Naecheongnyong's vapor of the earth. In particular, after the construction of Yugeunmum Gate(?覲門) and Yucheommun Gate(?瞻門) during the reign of King Jeongjo(正祖), Dongbu Hamchunwon functioned as a key point on the King's progress for paying respects to the ancestors, which followed the route of Palace(Changgyeonggung)-Wonyu(Hamchunwon)-Ancestral Shrine(Gyeongmogung).

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.122-147
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• 2017

The Jungsandong sites are distributed across quartz and mica schist formations in Precambrian, and weathering layers include large amounts of non-plastic minerals such as mica, quartz, felspar, amphibole, chlorite and so on, which form the ground of the site. Neolithic pottery from Jungsandong exhibits various brown colors, and black core is developed along the inner part for some samples, and sharp comb-pattern and hand pressure marks can be observed. Their non-plastic particles have various composition, size distribution, sorting and roundness, so they are classified into four types by their characteristic mineral compositions. I-type (feldspar pottery) is including feldspar as the pain component or mica and quartz. II-type (mica pottery) is the combination of chloritized mica, talc, tremolite and diopside. III-type (talc pottery) is with a very small amount of quartz and mica. IV-type (asbestos pottery) is containing tremolite and a very small amount of talc. The inner and outer colors of Jungsandong pottery are somewhat heterogeneous. I-type pottery group shows differences in red and yellow degree, depending on the content of feldspar, and is similar to III-type pottery. II-type is similar to IV-type, because its red degree is somewhat high. The soil of the site is higher in red and yellow degree than pottery from it. The magnetic susceptibility has very wide range of 0.088 to 7.360(${\times}10^{-3}$ SI unit), but is differentiated according to minerals, main components in each type. The ranges of bulk density and absorption ratio of pottery seem to be 1.6 to 1.7 and 13.1 to 26.0%, respectively. Each type of pottery shows distinct section difference, as porosity and absorption ratio increase in the order as follows: I-type (organic matter fixed sample) < III-type and IV-type < I-type < II-type (including IV-type of IJP-15). The reason is that differences in physical property occur according to kind and size of non-plastic particles. Although Jungsandong pottery consists of mixtures of various materials, the site pottery has a geological condition on which all mineral composition of Jungsandong pottery can be provided. There, it is thought that raw materials can be supplied from weathered zone of quartz and mica schist, around the site. However, different constituent minerals, size and rock fragments are shown, suggesting the possibility that there can be more raw material pits. Thus, it is estimated that there may be difference in clay and weathering degree.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.116-133
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• 2014

The memorial stones of Sumanotap were known to have been sequentially produced in 1719, 1773, 1874, 1653, 1874. However, after examining the chronological era (年號) and sexagesimal cycle (干支), it was found that the second and fourth memorial stones were both recorded in 1713. The reason why the records of the same period were divided into two is assumed that since the subject to repair was divided into main structure and flagpole of the temple, and it was recorded per each monk in charge and donator. On the fifth tablet of the memorial stone of Sumanotap contains all the names of monks who were in charge of repairing Sumanotap as well as the names of common donators. These people are not verified in detail though, through comparing the Buddhist names on the third memorial stone with Buddhist paintings and painting records, 12 monks were identified to be in the same names. Generally, they were active in Gangwon province, Gyeongsang province, Seoul and Gyeonggi province in the late 19th century and even after the Sumanotap repair, they took up other duties of various temples. The most notable name among the donators recorded in the memorial stones of Sumanotap was Kim Jwageun. He was the donator for the chest of gold and silver that was enshrined in the pagoda in 1874. His name was recorded with Mrs. Yang from Cheongsin and, at that time, was known just as a donator. However, actually, the donator was not Kim Jwageun but his mistress Mrs. Yang who used to be a gisaeng, called Na-hap and was from Naju. Kim Jwageun deceased in 1869 already. It is exceptional that Mrs. Yang who were the mistress of the prime minister Kim Jwageun personally participated in the Buddhist event in which king, queen, mothers of king and queen, noblewoman participated. Besides, the event of Sumanotap repair was carried out by royal family in order to celebrate the hundredth day of the prince, Sunjong and his grandfather, Heungseon Daewongun did not participate for political reason. In this situation, the domination of Mrs. Yang is considered remarkable. Meanwhile, the temples that frequently appeared among the 10 temples recorded in the memorial stone of Sumanotap are Gakhwa-sa temple in Bonghwa-gun, Gyeongsangbuk-do and Bodeok-sa temple in Yeongwolgun, Gangwon-do. Gakhwa-sa temple was a temple where the historical achievements were kept so was under the government's control. Bodeok-sa temple was the buddhist temple praying for the soul of the Danjong buried in the tomb and was managed by the government. Therefore, the face these two temples participated in the Sumanotap repair proves that Sumanotap was repaired by the supports form these two temples and the stature of Sumanotap at that time was as high as the temples where the historical achievements are store or the royal buddhist temples for praying for ancestors' souls.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.78-103
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• 2016

This research is a study on the side framework structure of the hipped and gable roof of Muryangsujeon at Buseoksa Temple. There is a record that Muryangsujeon was deconstructed and repaired in the period of Japanese Occupancy, and its authenticity has continuously been called into question because the structure of the hipped and gable side roofs, and the bonding of the rafters and eaves were not in good order and very different from those of Joseon Dynasty. Scholars date it differently. It is either dated at 13th century or 12th century. This study compares the non-planar configuration of the middle and front proportions of Muryangsujeon's hipped-and-gable-roof framework with those of the Tang(唐) and Song(宋) Dynasties in China. It concludes that the hipped-and-gable-roof framework of those architecture were built with the same technique. The style of architecture that side rafters directly touch the internal security (梁), like in Muryangsujeon, is not usual even among the hipped and garble roofs of the Tang(唐) and Song(宋) Dynasties. The technique of constructing the hipped roofs developed much further after the Tang Dynasty because they began to use garble eaves to build the side structure. The technique seems to have developed greatly by the period of Ming and Qing Dynasties. It also seems that the parallel-flat (平行輻射椽) rafter, which is the form of rafters used between the parallelrafter period and the half-flat-rafter period is very similar to the construction style of the current rafters of Muryangsujeon. However, the Muryangsujeon's eaves do not touch the corner rafter from the middle part. This seems to be a unique style, which is not common in China. In conclusion, the style of the side roof framework of Muryangsujeon at Buseoksa Temple is not of the China's southern regions, but of the northern regions of Tang(唐), Song(宋) and Liao(遼) Dynasties. And when considering the construction year and proportions of the middle front and side front on the same flat, this must be an ancient technique of the northeastern regions of Asia. Since it is likely that the structure of the side roof framework of Muryangsujeon at Buseoksa Temple has not been altered but is a unique style of hipped and gable roofs, this roof can serve as a good guide to restoring the hipped and garble roofs of the pre-Goyreo Dynasty period.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.2
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• pp.22-37
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• 2018

Unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV) have attracted considerable attention both at home and abroad. The UAV is equipped with a camera that shoots images, which is advantageous for access to areas where archaeological investigations are not possible. Moreover, it is possible to acquire three-dimensional spatial image information by modeling the terrain through aerial photographing, and it is possible to specify the interpretation of the terrain of the survey area. In addition, if we understand the change of the terrain through comparison with past aerial photographs, it will be very helpful to grasp the existence of the ruins. The terrain modeling for searching these remains can be divided into two parts. First, we acquire the aerial photographs of the current terrain using the drone. Then, using image registration and post-processing, we complete the image-joining and terrain-modeling using past aerial photographs. The completed modeled terrain can be used to derive several analytical results. In the present terrain modeling, terrain analysis such as DSM, DTM, and altitude analysis can be performed to roughly grasp the characteristics of the change in the form, quality, and micro-topography. Past terrain modeling of aerial photographs allows us to understand the shape of landforms and micro-topography in wetlands. When verified with actual findings and overlapping data on the modelling of each terrain, it is believed that changes in hill shapes and buried Microform can be identified as helpful when used in low-flying applications. Thus, modeling data using aerial photographs is useful for identifying the reasons for the inability to carry out archaeological surveys, the existence of terrain and ruins in a wide area, and to discuss the preservation process of the ruins. Furthermore, it is possible to provide various themes, such as cadastral maps and land use maps, through comparison of past and present topographical data. However, it is certain that it will function as a new investigation methodology for the exploration of ruins in order to discover archaeological cultural properties.