• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.224-264
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• 2010

A brief story of the tale follows : Mokdoryung was a son of an arbor tree and a fairly. When the boy was 7-8 years old, mother-fairy returned to the sky. By using father-tree, Mokdoryung survived from the flood where he saved ants, mosquitos, and a boy with the same age. They arrived on top of the highest mountain, met an old woman with two daughters, worked as servants. With help of insects, Mokdoryung passed the trials, married to a wise daughter and 2 couples became the ancestor of the mankind. Interpretation of the tale starts with amplification of tree which symbolizes Self and Libido. As the son of the tree-spirit and a fairly from the sky, Mokdoryung is a kind of 'divine child' which represents a psychic possibility to understand archetypal nature of unconscious. Adversities of early childhood due to mother's absence regarded as necessary condition for 'divine child' to attain highest good. Flood can be compensation of absence of feminine as well as to bring a new life. The notion of father·tree becomes a kind of life-boat has to do with union of opposite(vertical phallic tree and horizontal feminine boat). Ants and mosquitoes represent upper and lower level of unconsciousness, they mediate divine power. Therefore respecting insects means respecting unconscious, and reward of insects means salvation come from unconscious. The boy saved from the flood presents emergence of psychic energy in its latent unconscious condition to create mental dynamism. The old woman is Great Mother or anima, the controller or guider of unconscious. Working as servants can be an active service for the divine marriage. Trials of separating millet from sand, and finding right direction relate to separatio, means one needs to be separated from unconscious before conunctio, union of opposite. Two sets of couple becoming ancestor of man-kind has to do with number 4 (quaternity) as well as regeneration. Although the tale includes both positive couple (Mokdoryung, wise daugther in east room). and negative couple(shadow side of Mokdoryung, step daughter in west room)as ancestors of mankind, "Good" seems to be more valued than "evil".

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.65-101
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• 2010

By considering the final purpose and meaning of two fairy-tales, we can summarize two things. Firstly, a woman with father complex not only positive, but also negative can easily sacrifice her femininity and her own personality as an individual. A woman with father complex has to get out of father imago. By separating from father imago, she can make her own steps to realize her own personality, namely individuation. During normal development, detachment to instinct and archetypal contents can cause problems normally to the ego consciousness. Contrary to this developmental notion, women with father complex experience problems because they are too closely attached to father archetype. Therefore, continuous excessive identification of ego with father imago or a state of ego caught by father imago leads to death of her own personality. Some women intentionally attach to father imago in order to be powerful or to receive magical power of father archetype to make compensation to her inferiority and deficiency. Weak ego wants to be stronger and superior by intentional attachment to father imago. Then, she can succeed in some tasks in life. But These successes are not by her own effort, but by magical or superhuman power of father imago. During early childhood, young girl with weak ego strongly attaches to father imago to make success and achieve goals by magical power. She wants to compensate her weak ego. But the more her ego makes successes in real life with help of father imago, the more she loses her own character or personality. Ego can be strong enough only when it is detached or separated itself from father imago. In other side, there is a woman destined to realize request by the father imago. She is chosen by the collective unconscious, though she try to run away from dominant power. In this case, ego of selected woman is not weak. She is destined to be a heroine. She knows that she has to complete every task given to her to realize what father imago wants, and she will not own any of her products at all. She is a real or true heroine. She wants to avoid her destiny, but she can't and should not do it. Secondly, a woman with father complex is called for again to save father imago or to solve problems of father imago. In this case, father imago of a woman should be considered to be related to the collective conscious. Therefore, it is said that all women with father complex are invited for healing the society or the collective consciousness. To complete this request, she has to heal herself by recovering her femininity. The healing power is based on the maternal receptive capacity. In modern society, the women are always demanded to be a social being. These social demands can make women caught by father complex. In this sense, number of women with father complex are increasing. Through the understanding of two fairy-tales, increased number of women with father complex should be easily considered as events at personal level, but seriously considered as a phenomenon reflecting problems in the collective consciousness of our age. In the other hand, all women with father complex are invited to solve the problem of modern society. She will be able to realize her own individuation without being possessed by father imago, to save our society and to become a heroine of our age.

• Journal of Global Scholars of Marketing Science
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.231-238
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• 2010

The anthropomorphism of brands, defined as seeing human beings in brands (Puzakova, Kwak, and Rosereto, 2008) is the focus of this study. Specifically, the research objective is to understand the ways in which brands are rendered humanlike. By analyzing consumer readings of stories found on food product packages we intend to show how marketers and consumers humanize a spectrum of brands and create meanings. Our research question considers the possibility that a single brand may host multiple or single meanings, associations, and personalities for different consumers. We start by highlighting the theoretical and practical significance of our research, explain why we turn our attention to packages as vehicles of brand meaning transfer, then describe our qualitative methodology, discuss findings, and conclude with a discussion of managerial implications and directions for future studies. The study was designed to directly expose consumers to potential vehicles of brand meaning transfer and then engage these consumers in free verbal reflections on their perceived meanings. Specifically, we asked participants to read non-nutritional stories on selected branded food packages, in order to elicit data about received meanings. Packaging has yet to receive due attention in consumer research (Hine, 1995). Until now, attention has focused solely on its utilitarian function and has generated a body of research that has explored the impact of nutritional information and claims on consumer perceptions of products (e.g., Loureiro, McCluskey and Mittelhammer, 2002; Mazis and Raymond, 1997; Nayga, Lipinski and Savur, 1998; Wansik, 2003). An exception is a recent study that turns its attention to non-nutritional packaging narratives and treats them as cultural productions and vehicles for mythologizing the brand (Kniazeva and Belk, 2007). The next step in this stream of research is to explore how such mythologizing activity affects brand personality perception and how these perceptions relate to consumers. These are the questions that our study aimed to address. We used in-depth interviews to help overcome the limitations of quantitative studies. Our convenience sample was formed with the objective of providing demographic and psychographic diversity in order to elicit variations in consumer reflections to food packaging stories. Our informants represent middle-class residents of the US and do not exhibit extreme alternative lifestyles described by Thompson as "cultural creatives" (2004). Nine people were individually interviewed on their food consumption preferences and behavior. Participants were asked to have a look at the twelve displayed food product packages and read all the textual information on the package, after which we continued with questions that focused on the consumer interpretations of the reading material (Scott and Batra, 2003). On average, each participant reflected on 4-5 packages. Our in-depth interviews lasted one to one and a half hours each. The interviews were tape recorded and transcribed, providing 140 pages of text. The products came from local grocery stores on the West Coast of the US and represented a basic range of food product categories, including snacks, canned foods, cereals, baby foods, and tea. The data were analyzed using procedures for developing grounded theory delineated by Strauss and Corbin (1998). As a result, our study does not support the notion of one brand/one personality as assumed by prior work. Thus, we reveal multiple brand personalities peacefully cohabiting in the same brand as seen by different consumers, despite marketer attempts to create more singular brand personalities. We extend Fournier's (1998) proposition, that one's life projects shape the intensity and nature of brand relationships. We find that these life projects also affect perceived brand personifications and meanings. While Fournier provides a conceptual framework that links together consumers’ life themes (Mick and Buhl, 1992) and relational roles assigned to anthropomorphized brands, we find that consumer life projects mold both the ways in which brands are rendered humanlike and the ways in which brands connect to consumers' existential concerns. We find two modes through which brands are anthropomorphized by our participants. First, brand personalities are created by seeing them through perceived demographic, psychographic, and social characteristics that are to some degree shared by consumers. Second, brands in our study further relate to consumers' existential concerns by either being blended with consumer personalities in order to connect to them (the brand as a friend, a family member, a next door neighbor) or by distancing themselves from the brand personalities and estranging them (the brand as a used car salesman, a "bunch of executives.") By focusing on food product packages, we illuminate a very specific, widely-used, but little-researched vehicle of marketing communication: brand storytelling. Recent work that has approached packages as mythmakers, finds it increasingly challenging for marketers to produce textual stories that link the personalities of products to the personalities of those consuming them, and suggests that "a multiplicity of building material for creating desired consumer myths is what a postmodern consumer arguably needs" (Kniazeva and Belk, 2007). Used as vehicles for storytelling, food packages can exploit both rational and emotional approaches, offering consumers either a "lecture" or "drama" (Randazzo, 2006), myths (Kniazeva and Belk, 2007; Holt, 2004; Thompson, 2004), or meanings (McCracken, 2005) as necessary building blocks for anthropomorphizing their brands. The craft of giving birth to brand personalities is in the hands of writers/marketers and in the minds of readers/consumers who individually and sometimes idiosyncratically put a meaningful human face on a brand.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.30 no.2 s.57
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• pp.308-326
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• 1997

Many studies have led to the notion that essential hypertension in adults is the result of a process that starts early in life: investigation of blood pressure(BP) in children and adolescents can therefore contribute to knowledge of the etiology of the condition. A unique longitudinal study on BP in Korea, known as Kangwha Children's Blood Pressure(KCBP) Study was initiated in 1986 to investigate changes in BP in children. This study is a part of the KCBP study. The purposes of this study are to show changes in BP and to determine factors affecting to BP level and change in Korean adolescents during age period 12 to 16 years. A total of 710 students(335 males, 375 females) who were in the first grade at junior high school(12 years old) in 1992 in Kangwha County, Korea have been followed to measure BP and related factors(anthropometric, serologic and dietary factors) annually up to 1996. A total of 562 students(242 males, 320 females) completed all five annual examinations. The main results are as follows: 1. For males, mean systolic and diastolic BP at age 12 and 16 years old were 108.7 mmHg and 118.1 mmHg(systolic), and 69.5 mmHg and 73.4 mmHg(diastolic), respectively. BP level was the highest when students were at 15 years old. For females, mean systolic and diastolic BP at age 12 and 16 years were 114.4 mmHg and 113.5 mmHg(systolic) and 75.2 mmHg and 72.1 mmHg(diastolic), respectively. BP level reached the highest point when they were 13-14 years old. 2. Anthropometric variables(height, weight and body mass index, etc) increased constantly during the study period for males. However, the rate of increase was decreased for females after age 15 years. Serum total cholesterol decreased and triglyceride increased according to age for males, but they did not show any significant trend fer females. Total fat intake increased at age 16 years compared with that at age 14 years. Compositions of carbohydrate, protein and fat among total energy intake were 66.2:12.0:19.4, 64.1:12.1:21.8 at age 14 and 16 years, respectively. 3. Most of anthropometric measures, especially, height, body mass index(BMI) and triceps skinfold thickness showed a significant correlation with BP level in both sexes. When BMI was adjusted, serum total cholesterol showed a significant negative correlation with systolic BP at age 12 years in males, but at age 14 years the direction of correlation changed to positive. In females serum total cholesterol was negatively correlated with diastolic BP at age 15 and 16 years. Triglyceride and creatinine showed positive correlation with systolic and diastolic BP in males, but they did not show any correlation in females. There was no consistent findings between nutrient intake and BP level. However, protein intake correlated positively with diastolic BP level in males. 4. Blood pressure change was positively associated with changes in BMI and serum total cholesterol in both sexes. Change in creatinine was associated with BP change positively in males and negatively in females. Students whose sodium intake was high showed higher systolic and diastolic BP in males, and students whose total fat intake was high maintained lower level of BP in females. The major determinants on BP change was BMI in both sexes.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.29-45
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• 2012

Bond rating is regarded as an important event for measuring financial risk of companies and for determining the investment returns of investors. As a result, it has been a popular research topic for researchers to predict companies' credit ratings by applying statistical and machine learning techniques. The statistical techniques, including multiple regression, multiple discriminant analysis (MDA), logistic models (LOGIT), and probit analysis, have been traditionally used in bond rating. However, one major drawback is that it should be based on strict assumptions. Such strict assumptions include linearity, normality, independence among predictor variables and pre-existing functional forms relating the criterion variablesand the predictor variables. Those strict assumptions of traditional statistics have limited their application to the real world. Machine learning techniques also used in bond rating prediction models include decision trees (DT), neural networks (NN), and Support Vector Machine (SVM). Especially, SVM is recognized as a new and promising classification and regression analysis method. SVM learns a separating hyperplane that can maximize the margin between two categories. SVM is simple enough to be analyzed mathematical, and leads to high performance in practical applications. SVM implements the structuralrisk minimization principle and searches to minimize an upper bound of the generalization error. In addition, the solution of SVM may be a global optimum and thus, overfitting is unlikely to occur with SVM. In addition, SVM does not require too many data sample for training since it builds prediction models by only using some representative sample near the boundaries called support vectors. A number of experimental researches have indicated that SVM has been successfully applied in a variety of pattern recognition fields. However, there are three major drawbacks that can be potential causes for degrading SVM's performance. First, SVM is originally proposed for solving binary-class classification problems. Methods for combining SVMs for multi-class classification such as One-Against-One, One-Against-All have been proposed, but they do not improve the performance in multi-class classification problem as much as SVM for binary-class classification. Second, approximation algorithms (e.g. decomposition methods, sequential minimal optimization algorithm) could be used for effective multi-class computation to reduce computation time, but it could deteriorate classification performance. Third, the difficulty in multi-class prediction problems is in data imbalance problem that can occur when the number of instances in one class greatly outnumbers the number of instances in the other class. Such data sets often cause a default classifier to be built due to skewed boundary and thus the reduction in the classification accuracy of such a classifier. SVM ensemble learning is one of machine learning methods to cope with the above drawbacks. Ensemble learning is a method for improving the performance of classification and prediction algorithms. AdaBoost is one of the widely used ensemble learning techniques. It constructs a composite classifier by sequentially training classifiers while increasing weight on the misclassified observations through iterations. The observations that are incorrectly predicted by previous classifiers are chosen more often than examples that are correctly predicted. Thus Boosting attempts to produce new classifiers that are better able to predict examples for which the current ensemble's performance is poor. In this way, it can reinforce the training of the misclassified observations of the minority class. This paper proposes a multiclass Geometric Mean-based Boosting (MGM-Boost) to resolve multiclass prediction problem. Since MGM-Boost introduces the notion of geometric mean into AdaBoost, it can perform learning process considering the geometric mean-based accuracy and errors of multiclass. This study applies MGM-Boost to the real-world bond rating case for Korean companies to examine the feasibility of MGM-Boost. 10-fold cross validations for threetimes with different random seeds are performed in order to ensure that the comparison among three different classifiers does not happen by chance. For each of 10-fold cross validation, the entire data set is first partitioned into tenequal-sized sets, and then each set is in turn used as the test set while the classifier trains on the other nine sets. That is, cross-validated folds have been tested independently of each algorithm. Through these steps, we have obtained the results for classifiers on each of the 30 experiments. In the comparison of arithmetic mean-based prediction accuracy between individual classifiers, MGM-Boost (52.95%) shows higher prediction accuracy than both AdaBoost (51.69%) and SVM (49.47%). MGM-Boost (28.12%) also shows the higher prediction accuracy than AdaBoost (24.65%) and SVM (15.42%)in terms of geometric mean-based prediction accuracy. T-test is used to examine whether the performance of each classifiers for 30 folds is significantly different. The results indicate that performance of MGM-Boost is significantly different from AdaBoost and SVM classifiers at 1% level. These results mean that MGM-Boost can provide robust and stable solutions to multi-classproblems such as bond rating.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.441-471
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• 2018

East Coast Gut, Korean shamanism ritual on its east coastal area, is a Gut held in fishing villages alongside Korean east coastal area from Goseong area in Gangwon-Do to Busan area. East Coast Gut is performed in a series mainly by a successor shaman, Korean shaman, who hasn't received any spiritual power from a God, and the implications of this thesis lie in that we look over the learning aspects of Seokchool Kim shaman group among other East Coast Gut successor shaman groups after dividing it into 2 categories, successor shaman and learner shaman and based upon this, we reveal the meaning of the learning aspects of East Coast Gut. For successor shamans, home means the field of education. Since they are little, they chased Gut events performing dance in a series to accumulate onsite experiences. However, in the families of successor shamans that have passed their shaman work down from generation to generation, their descendents didn't inherit shaman work any longer, which changed the way of succession and learning of shaman work. Since 1980's, Gut has been officially acknowledged as a kind of general art embracing songs, dance and music and designated as a cultural asset of the state and each city and province, and at art universities, it was adopted as a required course for its related major, which caused new learner shamans who majored in shamanism to emerge. These learner shamans are taking systematical succession lessons on the performance skills of East Coast Byeolshin Gut at universities, East Coast Byeolshin Gut preservation community, any places where Guts are held and etc.. As changes along time, the successor shamans accepted the learner shamans to pass shaman work down and changes appeared in the notion of towners who accept the performer groups of Gut and Gut itself. Unlike the past, as Gut has been acknowledged as the origin of Korean traditional arts and as the product of compresensive learning on songs, dance and music and it was designated as a national intangible cultural asset, shaman's social status and personal pride and dignity has become very high. As shaman has become positioned as the traditional artist getting both national and international recognition unlike its past image of getting despised, at the site of Gut event or even in the relation with towners, their status and the treatment they get became far different. Even towners, along with shift in shaman groups' generation, take position to acknowledge and accept the addition of new learning elements unlike the past. Even in every town, rather than just insisting on the type or the event purpose of traditional Gut, they think over on the type of festival and the main direction of a variety of Guts with which all of towners can mingle with each other. They are trying to find new meanings in the trend of changing Gut and the adaptation of new generation to this. In our reality of Gut events getting minimalized along with rapid change of times, East Coast Gut is still very actively performed in a series until now compared to Guts in other regions. This is because following the successor shamans who have struggled to preserve the East Coast Gut, the learner shamans are actively inflowing and the series performance groups preserve the origin of Gut and try hard to use Gut as art contents. Besides, the learner shamans systematically organize what they learned on shamanism from the successor shamans and get prepared and try to hand it down to descendents in the closest possible way to preserve its origin. In the future, East Coast Gut will be succeeded by the learner shamans from the last successor shamans to inherit its tradition and develop it to adapt to the times.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.14-26
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• 2011

Imdaejeong Wonlim is located on the verge of Sangsa Village in Sapyeong-ri, Daepyeong-myeon, Hwasun-gun Gyeongsangnam-do toward Northwest. It was planned by Sa-ae, Minjuhyeon in 1862 on the basis of Gobanwon built by Nam Eongi in 16th century against the backdrop of Mt. Bongjeong and facing Sapyeong Stream. As water flows from west to east in the shape of crane, this area is a propitious site standing for prosperity and happiness. This area shows a distinct feature of Wonlim surrounding the Imdaejeong with multi layers as consisting of 5 districts - front yard where landmark stone with engraved letters of 'Janggujiso of Master Sa-ea' and junipers are harmoniously arranged, internal garden of upper pavilion ranging from a pavilion to square pond with a little island in the middle, Sugyeongwon of under pavilionu consisting of 2 ponds with a painting of three taoist hermits, forest of Mt. Bonggeong and external garden including Sapyeong Stream and farmland. According to documentation and the results of on-site investigation, it is certainly proved that Imdaejeong Wonlim was motivated by Byeoseo Wonlim which realized the idea of 'going back to hometown after resignation' following the motives of Janggujiso, a hideout aimed to accomplish the ideology, 'training mind and fostering innate nature,' on the peaceful site surrounded by water and mountain, as well as motives of Sesimcheo(洗心處) to be unified with morality of Mother Nature, etc. In addition, it implies various imaginary landscapes such as Pihangji, Eupcheongdang, square pond with an island and painting of three Taoist hermits based on a notion that 'the further scent flies away, the fresher it becomes,' which is originated from Aelyeonseol(愛蓮說). In terms of technique of natural landscape treatment, divers techniques are found in Imdaejeong Wonlim such as distant view of Mt. Bongjeong, pulling view with an intention of transparent beauty of moonlight, circle view of natural and cultural sceneries on every side, borrowed scenary of pastoral rural life adopted as an opposite view, looked view of Sulyundaero, over looked view of pond, static view in pavilion and paths, close view of water space such as stream and pond, mushroom-and-umbrella like view of Imdaejeong, vista of pond surrounded by willows, imaginary view of engraved letters meaning 'widen knowledge by studying objectives' and selected view to comprise sunrise and sunset at the same time. In the beginning of construction, various plants seemed to be planted, albeit different from now, such as Ginkgo biloba, Phyllostachys spp., Salix spp., Pinus densiflora, Abies holophylla, Morus bombycis, Juglans mandschurica, Paulownia coreana, Prunus mume, Nelumbo nucifera, etc. Generally, it reflected dignity of Confucianism or beared aspect of semantic landscape implying Taoist taste and idea of Phoenix wishing a prosperity in the future. Furthermore, a diversity of planting methods were pursued for such as liner planting for the periphery of pond, bosquet planting and circle planting adopted around the pavilion, spot planting using green trees, solitary planting of monumentally planted Paulownia coreana and opposite planting presenting the Abies holophylla into yin and yang.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.22-53
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• 2020

This paper analyzes the contents, characteristics, and historical significance of the dedicatory inscriptions (josanggi) on the Amitabha Buddha and the Maitreya Bodhisattva statues of Gamsansa Temple, two masterpieces of Buddhist sculpture from the Unified Silla period. In the first section, I summarize research results from the past century (divided into four periods), before presenting a new perspective and methodology that questions the pre-existing notion that the Maitreya Bodhisattva has a higher rank than the Amitabha Buddha. In the second section, through my own analysis of the dedicatory inscriptions, arrangement, and overall appearance of the two images, I assert that the Amitabha Buddha sculpture actually held a higher rank and greater significance than the Maitreya Bodhisattva sculpture. In the third section, for the first time, I provide a new interpretation of two previously undeciphered characters from the inscriptions. In addition, by comparing the sentence structures from the respective inscriptions and revising the current understanding of the author (chanja) and calligrapher (seoja), I elucidate the possible meaning of some ambiguous phrases. Finally, in the fourth section, I reexamine the content of both inscriptions, differentiating between the parts relating to the patron (josangju), the dedication (josang), and the prayers of the patrons or donors (balwon). In particular, I argue that the phrase "for my deceased parents" is not merely a general axiom, but a specific reference. To summarize, the dedicatory inscriptions can be interpreted as follows: when Kim Jiseong's parents died, they were cremated and he scattered most of their remains by the East Sea. But years later, he regretted having no physical memorial of them to which to pay his respects. Thus, in his later years, he donated his estate on Gamsan as alms and led the construction of Gamsansa Temple. He then commissioned the production of the two stone sculptures of Amitabha Buddha and Maitreya Bodhisattva for the temple, asking that they be sculpted realistically to reflect the actual appearance of his parents. Finally, he enshrined the remains of his parents in the sculptures through the hole in the back of the head (jeonghyeol). The Maitreya Bodhisattva is a standing image with a nirmanakaya, or "transformation Buddha," on the crown. As various art historians have pointed out, this iconography is virtually unprecedented among Maitreya images in East Asian Buddhist sculpture, leading some to speculate that the standing image is actually the Avalokitesvara. However, anyone who reads the dedicatory inscription can have no doubt that this image is in fact the Maitreya. To ensure that the sculpture properly embodied his mother (who wished to be reborn in Tushita Heaven with Maitreya Bodhisattva), Kim Jiseong combined the iconography of the Maitreya and Avalokitesvara (the reincarnation of compassion). Hence, Kim Jiseong's deep love for his mother motivated him to modify the conventional iconography of the Maitreya and Avalokitesvara. A similar sentiment can be found in the sculpture of Amitabha Buddha. To this day, any visitor to the temple who first looks at the sculptures from the front before reading the text on the back will be deeply touched by the filial love of Kim Jiseong, who truly cherished the memory of his parents.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.39
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• pp.33-67
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• 2021

This paper aims at revealing the core concept of Injon (Human Nobility). The concept of Injon is one of the salient fundamental ideas which makes Daesoon Jinrihoe recognizable as Daesoon Jinrihoe. The concept of Injon has the basic meaning of 'human nobility,' but within the context wherein the nobility of humankind is considered to be greater than the nobility of Heaven and Earth. Although the religious and ideological interpretations of Injon (human nobility) that have developed over time have been quite diverse and abundant, these interpretations are all limited in that they generally assume the relationship between 'Heaven and Earth' and 'Humanity' to be antagonistic. However, if human nobility is relativized in that manner, it can reduce the potential broader meanings of mutual beneficence and the earthly paradise of the later world. These interpretations are grounded in the view of semiotic interpretation. Such interpretations have composed their view point via the semiotic meaning of the words. The semiotic point of view suggests that meanings of words consist in the relation of the word and the object to which it denotes. We will introduce a new view point which can be termed the transcendental view point. This view focuses on how the exact interpretation of words and sentences depends on the comprehension of the triad of systematic relations among the word, object, and speaker. In the Daesoon Thought, the Former World is considered to be the world wherein all creations unfolded according to the principle of mutual contention. This led to the accumulation of grievances and grudges which condensed and filled the Three Realms of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity. The Former World was dominated by Western material civilization, selfishness, and exclusivism. It was also a world where humans suffered from various natural disasters such as floods, droughts, plagues, and wildfires. The Former World lost the constant Dao and was overwhelmed with all kinds of disasters and calamities. That world fell into various kinds of wretchedness. The causes which made the Former World so cruel came from humans misunderstanding their relation to nature and life in general; including human life. The anthropocentric modern cosmology insisted that the human race was the only one to have the powers and rights to exercise dominion over nature. On the other hand, there is the Later World, which means the ideal and perfect, immanent eternal world for all humankind in Daesoon Thought. This world consists of life, peace, and equality and is also characterized by three typical attributes: goodness, peace, and all kinds of life. All living beings previously struggled for survival, but in the Later World, those lifeforms will embrace each other; even across different realms. In Daesoon Thought, the world and cosmos contain diverse forms of life, and human have both an earthly life and life in the after world should they die before the Later World. There are also the lives of divine beings and animals, and other such living entities. Daesoon Thought subsumes pan-vitalism, which allows they acknowledgement of myriad possible lifeforms. The concept of the Later World in Daesoon Thought, which mainly revealed in The Canonical Scripture and the words of Sangje (Kang Jeungsan), suggests that all kinds of life, including humans, animals, and even spirits in the afterworld, can live together in a perfect coming earthly paradise which is immanent. The concept of Injon can be interpreted though the view of transcendental pragmatics as an alternative to the typical views discussed in Daesoon Thought. Thinkers should attempt to improve current discourse on Injon in Daesoon Thought by focusing on the point that all kinds the original teachings demonstrate a value of all lifeforms. Therein, Injon would indicate not only the human nobility and dignity but also the nobility and dignity of divine beings, divine humans, and all other forms of life that have existed across time. The dimension of time allows for recognition of lifeforms from the Former World, the afterworld, and the Later World. This revised appraisal of Injon could further accommodate denizens of the afterworld, animals, ghosts and spirits, the earth and cloud souls of humans, and other lifeforms held to exist in the cosmology of Daesoon Thought.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.36
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• pp.227-266
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• 2020

The purpose of this paper is to review the representative Buddhist policies enforced during the reign of Gwanghaegun (光海君), the 15th king of the Joseon Dynasty, and the aspects of the Buddhist community affected by them. Through this, the influence and dynamism of Buddhism during the reign of Gwanghaegun will be revealed. Some of the findings will run contrary to what is popularly known about Joseon Buddhism and the policy of Sungyueokbul (崇儒抑佛), 'Revering Confucianism and Supressing Buddhism.' During the Joseon Dynasty, Neo-Confucianism was taken as an ideological background, and consequently, Buddhism was ostracized by the ruling class who advocated the exclusion of heretical views. This also characterized King Gwanghaegun's reign during the Mid-Joseon Dynasty. In reality though, the ruling class held mixed opinions about Buddhism, and this influenced the Buddhist community in the Gwanghaegun Period. The military might of Japan demonstrated during the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, led the ruling class to recognize Buddhism, and as a result, the status of Buddhism rose to a certain extent. Based on its elevated status and the aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Korea, the Buddhist community engaged in social welfare activities inspired by the notion of requiting favors, and the Buddhist community gained recognition for providing relief services. As a result, the number of monks increased, and the economic situation improved as land ownership was granted to temples and monks. This is the means by which the Japanese Invasion of Korea influenced the Buddhist policies of the Gwanghaegun Period and changed the religious topography of Buddhism. During the reign of King Gwanghaegun, the ruling class regarded Buddhism as heretical, but offered posthumous titles to monks who engaged in meritorious services during the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Favorable and/or preferential treatment was also granted to some Buddhist monks. In addition, monks began to perform labor projects that demanded organizational and physical strength, such as those which related to national defense and architecture. However, throughout the Gwanghaegun Period, the monks were paid a certain amount of compensation for their labor, and the monks' responsibility for labor increased. This can be understood as a partial reconciliation with Buddhism or an acceptance of Buddhism rather than the suppression of Buddhism often presented by historians. As for policies which affected Buddhism, the Buddhist community showed signs of cooperation with the ruling class, the creation and reconstruction of temples, and the production of Buddhist art. Through close ties with the ruling class, Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period saw the Buddhist community actively responded policies that impacted Buddhism, and this allowed their religious orders to be maintained. In this way, it was also confirmed that the monk, Buhyu Seonsu (浮休 善修) and his disciple Byeogam Gakseong (碧巖 覺性), took up leadership roles in their Buddhist community. The Buddhist-aimed policies of Gwanghaegun were implemented against the backdrop of the Buddhist community, wherein the ruling class held mixed opinions regarding Buddhism. As such, both improvements and set backs for Buddhism could be observed during that time period. The ruling class actively utilized the organizational power of Buddhism for national defense and civil engineering after the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Out of gratitude, they implemented appropriate compensation for the Buddhists involved. The Buddhist community also responded to policies that affected them through exchanges with the ruling class. They succeeded in securing funds and support to repair and produce Buddhist temples and artworks. A thoughtful inspection of the policies towards and responses to Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period, shows that Buddhism actually enjoyed considerable organizational power and influence. This flies in the face of the general description of Joseon Buddhism as "Sungyueokbul (revering Confucianism and supressing Buddhism)."