• Title/Summary/Keyword: neo-colonialism

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J.M. Coetzee's Novels and American Colonialism/Imperialism: A Study of "Vietnam Project" in Dusklands (J.M. 쿳시의 소설과 미국의 식민주의/제국주의 -『어둠의 땅』의 「베트남 프로젝트」를 중심으로)

  • Wang, Chull
    • Journal of English Language & Literature
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    • v.54 no.1
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    • pp.107-127
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    • 2008
  • Critics are inclined to interpret J.M. Coetzee's novels in South African contexts, which Coetzee's own background seems to support. One has to bear in mind, however, that Coetzee tends to "see the South African situation as only one manifestation of a wider historical situation to do with colonialism, late colonialism, neo-colonialism." In other words, putting too much emphasis on South African contexts may diminish or undermine significance of Coetzee's multi-layered novels. In this context, the purpose of this paper is to highlight what Coetzee has to say about American colonialism/imperialism and to emphasize importance of "postcolonial rhetoric of simultaneity" which is repeatedly shown in his fictional works. It gives a meticulous attention to and analyzes "Vietnam Project," the first novella of Dusklands, Coetzee's very first novel, which depicts and characterizes "what Chomsky in the context of Vietnam [War] called 'the backroom boys.'" "The Narrative of Jacobus Coetzee," "When a Woman Grows Older," and Diary of a Bad Year are occasionally brought into discussion as well. This kind of study seems timely and pertinent especially when we take into account the rampant American imperialism which has devastated and almost traumatized the world.

The Foundation of the Colonialism: John Locke, America, and the tragic History of the Indigenous (식민주의의 기초 : 존 로크와 아메리카, 인디헤나의 수난사)

  • Hur, Jay-hunn
    • Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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    • v.130
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    • pp.381-414
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    • 2014
  • This paper aims to elaborate on the foundation of the colonialism, which comes from Natural Laws by John Locke and the extermination of the indigenous. John Locke develops his political doctrines considering Natural Laws as the logical, metaphysical supposition. He assumes Natural Laws to be the logical presupposition, but is interested in North America. This is evidently seen in his works according to research outcomes. His 'possessive individualism' discusses exclusion and extermination, on the bound of natural laws and natural state. The person without possessive rights is excluded, the people without effective farming is forfeited. Then acculturation is the justifying of slavery and suggestive of extermination. In the possessive individualism of bourgeois society, that is, private property, man is annulled aboard. That is colonialism comes from, which destroys all the cultures but its own cultures. It is Locke who is the first thinker of the imperial. In the thought of Locke found we in profane terminology projected for the world imperial. After Locke, colonialism has been appeared in the guise of racism in the eighteen century, especially in the universal history of system of philosophy, sometimes in the face of orientalism on all sides. The ideas of colonialism and imperialism have been absolutely for the West. In the totally administered society nowadays, the hope of redemption has been made impossible from the origin. From the beneath, operated and practiced the program of deletion of race, its ethnic cleansing is a mere case. Locke's thought for the human rights is consisted of property and freedom in mankind, but it ground baits for its bloodied symposium with words and consults. 'Our word is our weapon', this is wording of one ethnic that is in nearing extermination.

Framing Space and Identity - Examining Through the Space of Scholarship -

  • Kim, Jung-In
    • Architectural research
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    • v.12 no.1
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    • pp.15-23
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    • 2010
  • This paper will discuss three different ways of framing relationships between identity and built forms mainly through the theoretical frame works of David Harvey, Christine M. Boyer, Jane M. Jacobs, Doreen Massey, Paul Rabinow, and Michel Foucault. From these scholars, this paper will argue the relationships between identity and built forms are categorized as such: "Becoming", "Politics of Difference", and "Construction of Self". Besides these three approaches of framing identity and built forms, relevant ideas will be drawn from the work of other scholars in so far as their theoretical positions relate and support these three key frameworks. To approach the critical points of each debate, these three categories are further analyzed by juxtaposing the epistemological positions between them. Through the comparisons, this paper illustrates the interrelationships and interdependence of these three categories whose discursive power gains rapid popularity in Western scholarships. By incorporating the three ways to view the relationship between built form and the identity of social groups, drawn is a suggestion for a broader imagining of new spatial identity.

The Belt Road Initiatives, Identity Politics, and The Making of Southeast Asian Identity

  • Pamungkas, Cahyo;Hakam, Saiful
    • SUVANNABHUMI
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    • v.11 no.2
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    • pp.59-83
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    • 2019
  • The Chinese Belt Road initiatives in the Southeast Asian countries marked a new chapter in the development of China political influence on this region. This article looks at the initiative from the cultural dimension and aims to place its narrative as the entry point to understand the use of identity politics in Asian countries that target the Chinese diaspora. This topic relates to the primordial sentiments of Southeast Asian nations amid massive Chinese investment in the region. The issue of Chinese investments under the Belt Road Initiative corridor has a relationship with the formation of anti-Chinese discourse and anti-communist in some Southeast Asian countries. We took the cases of Indonesian and Malaysian elections to observe the use of identity politics and anti-Chinese political discourse in Southeast Asia. In both cases, a common issue emerged, that of the strengthening both Islamic and indigenous sensibilities. The establishment of ASEAN during the Cold War may be seen then as an anti-thesis to emerging Chinese power. However, anti-Chinese and anti-communism sentiments were not enough to unite the forces of the nations of Southeast Asia. We have concluded that brotherhood, mutual prosperity, and anti-neo-colonialism are yet to be fostered completely to make a distinct ASEAN identity.

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A Study on the Macro Analysis of Knowledge Structure of the Domestic Korean Studies for Identifying the Research Fields (국내 한국학 분야의 연구 영역 식별을 위한 거시적 지식구조 분석 연구)

  • Song, Min-Sun;Ko, Young Man
    • Journal of the Korean Society for information Management
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    • v.32 no.3
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    • pp.221-236
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    • 2015
  • The purpose of this study is to analyze the research fields constituting the knowledge structure of the Korean Studies by applying hierarchical clustering method to domestic journal papers in Korean Studies. We analyzed 3,800 papers containing Korean author keyword that were listed in 14 kinds of Korean Studies journals published in 2004-2013, which have average impact factor more than 0.5 in 2011-2013. The results of the analysis show that the central research fields are the subjects related to political & social problems based on Confucian ideas focusing on Neo-Confucianism (Seonglihak) and Realist School of Confucianism (Silhak), to the political situation associated with territorial division of the Korean peninsula, and to the history from the period of japanese colonialism to modern and contemporary. It has been also found that the temporal backgrounds of researches in domestic Korean Studies were related to the modern times and the Joseon Dynasty periods, rather than the time of the ancient and contemporary.

Art and Collectivity (미술과 집단성)

  • Kwok, Kian-Chow
    • The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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    • no.4
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    • pp.181-202
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    • 2006
  • "When it comes to art, nationalism is a goodticket to ride with", says the title of a report in the Indian Express (Mumbai, 29 Oct 2000). The newspaper report goes on to say that since Indian art was kept "ethnic" by colonialism, national liberation meant opening up to the world on India's own terms. Advocacy, at the tail end of the 20th century, would contrast dramatically with the call by Rabindranath Tagore, the founder of the academy at Santiniketan in 1901, to guard against the fetish of nationalism. "The colourless vagueness of cosmopolitanism," Tagore pronounced, "nor thefierce self-idolatry of nation-worship, is the goal of human history" (Nationalism, 1917). This contrast is significant on two counts. First is the positive aspect of "nation" as a frame in art production or circulation, at the current point of globalization when massive expansion of cultural consumers may be realized through prevailing communication networks and technology. The organization of the information market, most vividly demonstrated through the recent FIFA World Cup when one out of every five living human beings on earth watched the finals, is predicated on nations as categories. An extension of the Indian Express argument would be that tagging of artworks along the category of nation would help ensure greatest reception, and would in turn open up the reified category of "art," so as to consider new impetus from aesthetic traditions from all parts of the world many of which hereto fore regarded as "ethnic," so as to liberate art from any hegemony of "international standards." Secondly, the critique of nationalism points to a transnational civic sphere, be it Tagore's notion of people-not-nation, or the much mo re recent "transnational constellation" of Jurgen Habermas (2001), a vision for the European Union w here civil sphere beyond confines of nation opens up new possibilities, and may serve as a model for a liberated sphere on global scale. There are other levels of collectivity which art may address, for instance the Indonesian example of local communities headed by Ketua Rukun Tetangga, the neighbourhood headmen, in which community matters of culture and the arts are organically woven into the communal fabric. Art and collectivity at the national-transnational level yield a contrasting situation of, on the idealized end, the dual inputs of local culture and tradition through "nation" as necessary frame, and the concurrent development of a transnational, culturally and aesthetically vibrant civic sphere that will ensure a cosmopolitanism that is not a "colourless vagueness." In art historical studies, this is seen, for instance, in the recent discussion on "cosmopolitan modernisms." Conversely, we may see a dual tyranny of a nationalism that is a closure (sometimes stated as "ethno-nationalism" which is disputable), and an internationalism that is evolved through restrictive understanding of historical development within privileged expressions. In art historical terms, where there is a lack of investigation into the reality of multiple modernisms, the possibility of a democratic cosmopolitanism in art is severely curtailed. The advocacy of a liberal cosmopolitanism without a democratic foundation returns art to dominance of historical privileged category. A local community with lack of transnational inputs may sometimes place emphasis on neo-traditionalism which is also a double edged sword, as re kindling with traditions is both liberating and restrictive, which in turn interplays with the push and pull of the collective matrix.

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The Research Trend and Narrative Expandability of Borderlands Studies in Europe and North America -A Review Article: Globalizing Borderlands Studies in Europe and North America (유럽과 북미에서의 접경지대 연구 동향과 서사의 확장성 -『유럽과 북미 지역 접경지대 연구의 세계화』 읽기)

  • Ban, Kee-Hyun
    • Journal of Popular Narrative
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    • v.26 no.2
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    • pp.251-276
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    • 2020
  • The purpose of this article is to critically read Globalizing Borderlands Studies in Europe and North America to examine trends in border studies conducted so far in Europe and North America and to discuss the expandability and limitations of the narrative. It introduces a variety of case studies covering the borderlands of Europe and North America from ancient to modern times. It consists of a total of 10 chapters, in addition to the introduction chapter to clarify the purpose and definition of the collaboration and the short conclusion chapter on the prospects for the future of borderlands studies. This volume has some important implications for current borderland research in two main respects. First, it can introduce us we the areas and targets that the leading researchers from European and North American academia (usually the United States') have paid attention to. It also examines the current status of borderland research and predicts whether it will be possible to study various border areas where exist in other regions (especially in Asia) based on accumulating academic achievements, as well as the possibility of expansion of so-called 'globalization'. Second, it introduces the borderland as a conceptual space, beyond the border area as a physical space that is commonly thought of when it comes to 'border'. Cases of "conceptual borderlands" can be applied to a number of topics ranging from an individual's identities to the methods of governance, religions, economies, social institutions, families, labor issues, public health services and gender issues. There are, however, also some questions to be noted in the volume: the lack of consistent use of terminology, which can be considered general problems of collaboration studies; the fact that the authors still tend to understand borderlands within the imperialist discourse, perhaps because of their academic background is situated mainly in Europe and North America; the borderlands cases described here as the areas of conflict and struggle only. Nevertheless, the book is of significance in that it suggests a possibility of various borderlands studies and helps us to have better understanding of the current geopolitical situation imposed on the Korean Peninsula, which is located on the borderland between the continental and maritime powers.