• 디자인학연구
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• 제14권
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• pp.221-230
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• 1996

최근 국가적인 관심사 중의 하나로 부각되고 있는 국가 이미지의 문제를 심층적으로 분석하고, 디자인을 활용한 국가 이미지의 개선 전략을 제시하였다. 급격한 경제 성장을 바탕으로 21세기 세계 초일류 국가로 성장을 하기 위해서는 국가 이미지의 개선이 시급한 과제로 대두되고 있음에 비추어, 핵심 용어의 정의와 문헌 연구를 통하여 국가 이미지의 기본 개념과 전략적 관리의 필요성을 고찰하였다. 이러 디자인을 국가 이미지 개선에 활용해야 하는 당위성을 미국과 일본의 사례를 중심으로 알아보고, 우리 나라 국가 이미지의 현황을 분석하였다. 끝으로 디자인을 활용한 국가 이미지 개선 전략을 주요 정책 방향과 세부적인 정책 과제로 구분하여 제시하였다.

• International Journal of Contents
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• 제11권3호
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• pp.24-33
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• 2015

Against the backdrop of Habermas' theory of communicative action, we empirically analyzed the level of interactivity and narratives offered in nation-states' ministry of foreign affairs Web sites. A multiple regression analysis was performed in an attempt to identify factors affecting the level of interactivity in such Web sites. Findings revealed that the level of economic development is the sole significant factor in regards to the level of interactivity. Further, self-interested, goal-directed, and strategic purposes behind the allegedly transparent, engaging, and interactive public diplomacy were evidenced through a critical analysis of the objectives, key issues, and target publics addressed and highlighted in the public diplomacy narratives on the Web. The results suggested a possible digital divide in the interactive adoption of Web public diplomacy as well as strategic motives and interests embedded in the public diplomacy communication on the Web. This study helps increase our understanding of the paradox of public diplomacy in the digital age.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제30권1호
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• pp.145-166
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• 2017

Objectives : The paper aims to study the philosophical background of Huangdineijing by taking into account the fact that its ideas are identical to that of the period between the Warring States and Han. Methods : Through considering the period and the historical backdrop in which Huangdineijing was published, and through considering the book with other texts such as Huangdisijing, the paper draws the common spirit of the time and analyzed the cause and flow of philosophies and ideas that influenced Huangdineijing. Conclusions : 1. Books that upheld Huangdi contained within Hanshu・Yiwenzhi have a common point with the mythical symbol of Huangdi in that they are related to the rule of a nation and the creation of a civilization. Huangdi, who in Huangdineijing bears a need to be understand at this common point of view. 2. The spirit of the period between Warring States and Han can be deduced as "a movement towards unification" and "the development of a civilization infused with spirit of unification." Such spirit of time are reflected in Huangdineijing as Nine Acupuncture(Official Acupuncture) and the establishment of the measuring standards for meridian, bone, and internal organ, and the establishment of the concept of 'Pyungin.' Especially the construction of waterways that connected Huanghe and Yangzijiang river with their tributaries that formed a direct composition of unification was applied to human body in Huangdineijing, thereby establishing the concept of 'Mai'. 3. Unlike Lao Zhuang School of Taoism was not interested in the act of ruling at all, Huangdineijing and its contemporary publication Huangdisijing, present their readers with Number, Law, Rule, Regulation and Governance. Here, the philosophy and the idea which seek "Law" as the methods of ruling the nation by actively participating in the governance of the nation based on the model of natural law and rule appear. Such philosophy and idea is an evidence of the influence of Fajia in accordance with the social and realistic changes witnessed during the time.

• 한국정보통신학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국정보통신학회 2012년도 추계학술대회
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• pp.214-218
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• 2012

중국이 명실상부한 세계적 강대국으로 부상하고 있다. 2011년 현재 보편적 국력으로 보았을 때 중국은 미국 다음으로 강한 국력을 가진 국가로 아시아를 넘어 세계적인 패권국으로 성장하고 있다. 중국이 이와 같은 강대국으로 부상하면서 동아시아에서 미국중심의 국제정치질서가 도전받고 있으며, 특히 동아시아 해양패권을 놓고 기존의 패권국인 미국과 경쟁이 본격화 되고 있다. 이러한 중국과 미국과의 경쟁은 동아시아의 해양을 무대로 진행되고 있어 해양을 통해 국가의 안전과 번영을 유지하고 있는 해양국가인 한국의 안보에 직접적인 영향을 미치고 있다. 중국의 부상에 따른 동아시아 해양에서의 미-중 군사경쟁 배경과 현황, 그리고 이러한 경쟁이 동아시아와 한국안보에 미치는 영향과 대책을 모색해 본다.

• 비교문화연구
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• 제20권
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• pp.113-148
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• 2010

This paper examines the American role in shaping South Korean nation-building during the early Cold War by considering how the United States attempted to form South Korea's education and how Koreans responded to these efforts. It looks at education as an arena where "American" ideas such as democracy and liberalism were received, transformed, and utilized by Koreans. This study pays particular attention to the gap between American intentions and Korean expectations, as well as to the competition between American and Japanese systems, which explains the contradictory role America played in South Korean nation-building. In order to better assess the role of the United States in shaping South Korean education, this article considers the complex dynamics between the Japanese legacies, American influence, and Korean actors. Americans had exerted a great effect on Korean education since the beginning of their relationship. American missionaries, U.S. military government, and educational mission teams had all contributed to the expansion of educational opportunities for Koreans. Through the educational institutions that they established or helped establish, Americans tried to spread "their" ideas. In this process, Americans had to struggle with two obstacles: Korean nationalism and the legacies of Japanese colonialism. Many Koreans used American missionary schools for their own purposes and resisted U.S. military government's policies which ignored their desire for self-determination. American education missions had limited effect on Korean education due to the heterogeneous Japanese system that was still influencing South Korea even after liberation. The ways in which Americans have influenced the democratization of South Korea have not been simple. Although "American" democratic ideas reached Koreans through various routes, Koreans understood the "American" idea within their own historical context and in a way that fit their existing socio-political relations. Oftentimes suspicious of "American" democracy, Koreans developed their own concept of democracy. The overall American influence on Korean democratization, as well as on Korean education, was important but limited. While Americans helped Koreans build educational infrastructure and tried to transfer democratic ideas through it, Koreans actors and Japanese colonial legacies limited its impact.

• 한국자기공명학회논문지
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• 제13권2호
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• pp.135-142
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• 2009

$^{195}Pt$ NMR measurements were performed to deduce the variation of local density of states at the Fermi energy ($E_F$-LDOS) at the surface of carbonsupported Pt catalysts due to the addition of $Nafion^{(R)}$ ionomer in the metalelectrode-assembly for fuel cells. The results showed that the EF-LDOS at the surface of Pt particles was enhanced by the addition of $Nafion^{(R)}$ ionomers whereas it was uninfluenced in the inner (bulk) part of the Pt particles. This suggests that the effects of ionomers on the electronic states of the Pt particle surface are related to the electrochemical activity of the catalysts.

• 무역학회지
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• 제43권3호
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• pp.47-74
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• 2018

미국은 20세기 GATT와 WTO 설립에 크게 기여하며 자유무역국가로 인식되어 왔다. 그러나 2017년 트럼프 행정부 출범과 함께 '미국 우선주의'(America-First) 정책 노선과 그 과정에서의 교역상대국에 대한 일방적인 통상압박으로 신(新)통상기류에 대한 우려를 확산시키고 있다. 하지만 미국은 역사적으로도 자국의 이해관계가 큰 산업 군에 대해서는 일방주의 통상정책을 활용해 왔는데, 대표적인 예가 일본 및 한국의 자동차 산업과 관련된 것이다. 본 논문에서는 자동차 산업을 중심으로 미국의 일방주의 통상정책 사례를 일별한 뒤 향후 미국의 또 다른 주력 산업인 IT, 지적재산, 서비스, 농축산물과 관련해 재연될 소지가 있는 본 정책 노선에 대해 지적하고 이에 대한 시사점을 도출하고자 한다. 또한, 미국이 상기 일방주의 통상정책으로 기대했던 결과를 달성 했는지에 대한 검토와 평가도 함께 고찰한다.

• 수완나부미
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• 제12권2호
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• pp.119-140
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• 2020

Emerging from Portuguese colonialism and Indonesian occupation to become one of the newest states, Timor-Leste is an interesting example of modern nation-building. Geographically, Timor-Leste is located in the area covered by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In such context, Timor-Leste has a strong claim to belonging to Southeast Asia. Timor-Leste nevertheless has not yet been admitted formally as a member despite its application for membership in March 2011. This paper locates Timor-Leste in a broader context of their construction of regional identity and as part of Southeast Asia. Drawing upon the constructivist approach, this paper suggests that the complexity of Timor-Leste's regional affiliation with ASEAN is made more challenging with its quest to assert itself as a nation-in-the-making.

• 수완나부미
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.57-85
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• 2018

The debates continue on the conceptualization of Southeast Asia and the ways in which those of us who are concerned to attempt scholarly interventions in the region define, conceive, understand and engage with it. But, in an important sense, the region has now been defined for us by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and whatever academic researchers might wish to impose on Southeast Asia in regard to their priorities and interests, it may make little difference. Given the politically-derived, nation-state definition of Southeast Asia, are all our problems of regional definition resolved? In some respects, they have been. ASEAN has constructed and institutionalized a regional organization and an associated regional culture. But in certain fields of research we still require academic flexibility. We cannot always be confined by an ASEAN-derived regional definition. The paper will explore other configurations of 'region' and its sub-divisions and propose, that in the spirit of academic freedom, we can continue to generate imaginative depictions of Southeast Asia and its constituents both within and beyond the region.

• 안보군사학연구
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• 통권8호
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• pp.1-48
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to examine and analyze the Untied Nations' efforts for peace on Korean peninsular after CCF's participation in Korean War. The Untied Nation tried to negotiate th peace plan between two sides from the end of 1950. Once the CCF's entry into the war had been confirmed, the war situation moved to a new phase, and the UN forces, which had guided the war in an effort to destroy the NKP A forces, and to punish North Korea, had to set up new guidelines to cope with the new situation. Accordingly, in late November, 1950, the UN forces camp, mainly the US Joint Chiefs of Staff and the United Nations Command, discussed various options, such as an expansion of the war up to the Chinese territory, a cease fire along the 38th Parallel, or a forced and inevitable evacuation. The Korean delegation to the UN insisted that "the unification of Korea should be achieved only by victory in the war. The Chinese intervention in the war is a Challenge to the UN in the same way as the North Korean invasion. The UN participation in the war was to repulse the invasion. With the same spirit we should drive back the Chinese Communists." The Korean delegation also emphasized to the friendly nations the political objective and will of unification, and that a cease fire at a threshold of unification might return us to the status quo ante bellum, and would be contrary to the Korean nation's desire. At that time, particularly, the US strongly considered the employment of nuclear weapons as one of the new strategies to cope with the Chinese invasion. The international effects of these casual remarks were realized almost at once. The British Prime Minister who had not wanted the expansion of war in the Far East, especially from the view point of the interest of NATO's security, visited Washington. so the conference had a very important meaning for the UN forces' new strategy. On the other hand, at the UN, on the 5th of December, the very day Truman and Attlee agreed to seek a cease-fire under UN auspices, a group of thirteen Asian and Arab states proposed to ask China and North Korea not to cross the 38th Parallel, and sounded out both sides about a cease fire along the 38th Parallel. The United States and the United Kingdom gave their assent, but China and North Korea gave no direct response. The CCF, who were securing the initiative of operation, were not agreeable with the proposal of the UN forces. The Untied Nation has tried to negotiate th peace plan between two sides from the December of 1950 and January of 1951. The Untied Nations' has achieved great results to negotiate for the peace plan on Korean peninsular after CCF's participation in Korean War. It's the results considering both the operation situation and political opinions.