• World Technopolis Review
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.64-80
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• 2013

In "Creating the Technopolis: High Technology Development in Austin Texas," Smilor, Kozmetsky, and Gibson (1988) make the case that in the mid-1980s Austin was becoming a globally competitive high tech region. Indeed over the years and into 2013, Austin has established its reputation as a leading entrepreneurial and technology center and "talent magnet." Delegations from across the US and worldwide visit Austin to better understand how this central Texas city went from being a state government and university town to become a fast growing, globally competitive, technology hotspot leading the state and nation in job creation. Central to the concept of the Triple Helix and Technopolis Frameworks is the importance of university, business, and government cooperation. This paper gives examples of mechanisms, processes, and metrics on how The University of Texas at Austin; regional technology industry; federal, state, and local government policies; and support groups all contributed to growing and sustaining the Austin Technopolis.

• The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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• no.29
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• pp.101-133
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• 2016

The term 'myth' is modern terminology. It was introduced to the East Asia from late 19th century to early 20th century. Under the rule of Japanese imperialism, some Japanese historians insisted that Dangun(檀君) has no relation with Kochoson(古朝鮮). Some Korean historians have refuted their conjecture. The arguments between Japanese and Korean historians bring about the motives of making the concept of Shinwa(神話) The purpose of this study is to investigate the historical procedures of making myth of Homogeneous Korean as a case study of "teaching religion". For the scholar the historic beginning is to be distinguished from later myths of origins. The scholars, particularly among the historians of China, Japan and Korea take it as the beginning of the history to investigate myths, for the ending parts of narratives are in themselves involved in a social constructs in order to give legitimacy to the story. It is apparent to satisfy for the current social demands of the nation-states building. It is also an act of casting and projecting their national values into the far distant past which is considered to be authentic and authorative. The western term 'myth' had been made up in Japanese historical context in order to build "nation-state concept". In Korea, the myth of homogeneous ethnicity of Koreans had been also reconstructed as modern myth during the late 19th and the early 20th century. We can call it the invention of the tradition accordingly.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.35
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• pp.427-451
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• 1998

The purpose of this study is (1) to contrast the welfare state formation in Korea with that in Western European nations, and (2) to examine the historical peculiarities of the Korean welfare state formation process. For the analysis, this study uses' contrast of context' logic of comparative history and contrast the process of (1)modern state formation (2) civil society development (3) interventionist state evolution of Korea with those of Western European nations. The findings of this study are as follows: First, the distingushing role of nation state as welfare provider is very different. It is attributed to the difference in the traditional dominance structure and in the nation-bulding process of each case. Second, class cleavage of the Western Eeuropean nations has been continually mobilized for political action and converted into political resources, while it is impossible to achieve such results in Korea which has continued labor excusive regime. Third, the institutionalization patterns of welfare politics are different. In Western Eeuropean nations, public welfare benefits have been able to produce welfare coalitions and politics of solidarity. By contrast, since welfare have been thoroughly depoliticized and informalized in Korea, voters and political parties have not been able to make issues of welfare problem Due to these historical peculiarities, it seems to be impossible that Korea's underdeveloped public welfare could be changeable in near future.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.61-82
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• 2011

Public resistance is an essential factor of the democratization process. Due to this, public resistance has been recognized as an important element in discussing the democratization of China. Recently in China, and a new era of resistance especially the agrarian resistance has been being expanded. This paper identifies trends and characteristics of that. With searching changes in the relationship between the nation and the societies in China, we will check whether democratization can be built from the whole bottom of the nation's ideology or not. It is a paradox of china's economic growth that the peasant uprising increased is a factor to the growth. The farmers' smoldering discontent exploded with rage because rural communities have been forced to sacrifice during the growth. The authoritarian party-state system in China has been faced with the limits in calming the peasant revolt down with the traditional suppression and restriction. Even though the party-state system in China has accepted farmers' dissatisfaction somewhat, and it has tried to improve its image of a benevolent government and pursued buying stability strategy, the gap between urban and rural areas has been expanded in the sustainable economic development and modernization process, therefore the authorities could not soothe the farmers' sense of alienation. Accordingly, the peasant revolt has not flickered out easily, and has been getting uncontrolled across China. Resistance characteristics of Chinese farmers have also changed. In the past, they had been sporadic and indirect ways, whereas in recent years, they have changed into organized and active ways. Of course, it is generally evaluated that the party-state system has sustained a strong social control so far. Buying stability strategy has prevented farmers' complaints from spreading to a threat to its regime, because civil societies in rural areas have still weak foundations from being formed. The party-state system, because of tensions and conflicts, will control the growing powers of civil societies in rural areas with institutionalization of interaction between the nation and the societies, and they will induce street protests to legalized struggle for a while. However, the relationship between the state and the societies has already started new rearrangement, in terms of that the conflicts between the state and rural communities have continued, and the changes of resistance ways.

• Journal of the Korean Regional Science Association
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.143-155
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• 1997

This study aims at drawing implications for Korea's urban growth management policies from U.S.A's experience on this issue. This study analyzes two types of contradictions in planning and implementing urban growth management policies: 1) value conflicts in goal setting and 2) contradictions among different level of governments (local, province, nation). As mentioned by Campbell (1996), there are three types of conflicts in objective values (efficiency, equity, and environment protection): property contradiction between economic growth and equity, resource conflict between efficiency and environment protection, and development conflict between equity and environment protection in urban growth management policies. In implementing urban growth management three types of conflicts in goal values should been taken into consideration. Contradictions among local governments, province, and central government are also found in implementing growth management policies. The lessons from the United State are as follow: 1) growth management plans are initiated by the local government and during the planning process adjacent local governments review a local government's growth management plans and give inputs for the plan, 2) local government and State work together for growth management planning and specially, the State provides technical and financial assistance to local government, and 3) the State plays leading roles in local government's planning and implementing of growth management policies with carrot and stick policy.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.4
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• pp.145-180
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• 2006

In Korea, nation and nationalism are undeniable justice, absolute virtue and moreover system of desire. From the late Chosun Dynasty when the Korean Peninsula had to survive from the critical situation of being the arena of competition, and through the colonial period under Japanese imperialism, nationalism became stronger as a logic of survival. The policy of seclusion under closed and exclusive nationalism that didn't recognize the world situation well enough, eventually gave more pain to the nation. Nationalism in colonial Korea which was as reformed nationalism and on the other hand, as intransigent, resisting nationalism. Since the purpose of this writing is not for clarifying the argument raised on Korean nationalism, there is no use mentioning how it went with the change of time. But we have to focus on the fact that the word 'nation' which appeared under the influence of popular revolution and capitalism meaning 'a group of people', was translated and understood as a racial concept for strengthening the unity of 'single-race nation with five thousand years' history. First of all, there is nationalism used to fortify the system. 'The Charter of National Education' and 'The Pledge of Allegiance' were ornaments to intensify the ruling ideology and dictatorship to militarize entire South Korea for 'settling Korean democracy' professed nationalism. Also, another ruling ideology armed with 'self-reliance' put North Korea into the state of hypnosis called nationalism. Nationalism, claiming 'nation' outwardly, but in reality, being an illuminating, instructing ideology isolating each other was indeed a body with two faces. This made 'nation' in Korea mysterious and objective through work such as. The statue commemorating patriotic forefathers' and picture of national records' in South Korea art. Nationalism used to strengthening the system encountered the magical 'single-race' and made 'ghost' being an extreme exclusion to other nations. We can find pedigreed pureness not allowing any mixed breeds from the attitude accepting western art -via Japan or directly- and making it vague by using the word Korean and Asia. There's nationalism as a resistant ideology to solidify the system on the other side. It came out as a way of survival among the Great Power and grew with the task of national liberation to became as a powerful force facing against the dictatorship dominating South Korea after the liberation. This discussion of nationalism as a resistance ideology was active in 1980s. In 1980, democracy movement against the dictatorship of 5th Republic originated from military power which came out suppressing the democratic movement in Gwangju, spread out from the intellects and the students to the labors, farmers and the civilians. It is well known that the 'Nation-People(Minjoong)'s Art Movement could come out under this social condition. Our attitude toward nationalism is still dual in this opening part of 21st century. On one hand, they are opposing to the ultra-nationalism but are not able to separate it from nationalism, and on the other, they have much confusion using it. In fact, in a single-race nation like Korea, the situation of being nationalism and jus sanguinis together can cause dual nationalism. Though nationalism is included in the globalization order, it is evidence that it's effective in Korea where there are still modern fetters like division and separation. In particular, in the world where Japan makes East Asia Coalition but exposed in front of nationalism, and China not being free from Sinocentrism, and American nationalism taking the world order, and Russia fortifying nationalism suppressing the minority race after the dissolution of socialism, Korean nationalism is at the point to find an alternative plan superior to the ruling and resisting ideology.

• Asian review of World Histories
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.227-263
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• 2013

Examining the patterns of evolution of interstate systems in Asia, this article argues that the relationship of state-builders to nomads stood in much of continental Asia stood in sharp contrast to the relationships between rulers and mercantile-financial elites in Europe. Due to the productivity of wet-rice economies, continental Asian rulers were not dependent on merchants and bankers to raise armies to wage war or suppress rebellions unlike their European counterparts. Hence they had no need to grant bankers and merchants concessions, especially monopolies which is how large volumes of capital are accumulated. Geographic conditions however meant that while the lack of internal frontiers meant that large continental-sized states could be created in China, this was not possible in the Indian subcontinent where a more chequered equilibrium where nomads enjoyed a military advantage in arid and semi-arid tracts meant that trans-subcontinental polities enjoyed only a fleeting existence. In mainland southeast Asia, where dense forests and a difficult terrain insulated the region from nomadic conquests, a third variant of interstate relations emerged.

• Journal of the Korean Professional Engineers Association
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• v.34 no.3
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• pp.33-40
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• 2001

Predict-Plan-Do is the main point to settle Safety management well, but we have neither Predict nor Plan. So just like the system of English CDM is necessary to be adapted in construction work which makes them work in full responsibility by clarifying the responsibility located step by step from planning to designing & constructing-To adapt this system needs more money for Safety than now, but this system makes companies earn maximum confidence & profit by accident prevention. Furthermore leads the nation and the society to earn large profit, then open the road to Welfare State. If you sees only the things such as money, profit, etc before your eyes, no more safety remains. That means no more respect of persons and no more welfare state.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.3 no.4
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• pp.176-197
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• 2016

Despite being a key concept of International Relations theory, there is no consensus about what the national interest is. It is almost impossible for political leaders of democratic states to make a crucial decision in foreign policies when considering only the national interest without public support. Rather, we are unable to imagine the national interest without public opinion. In general, international crises galvanize people who held different opinions and unify social cleavages, such as secular-religious identities, into a nation that acts in its national interest. The author proposes a method to operationalize the key concept and describes a relationship between the national interest and religious identities in a democratic state. The selected case is the state of Israel. It is believed that Israel is a good example to think about the association between foreign affairs and political attitudes since it is characterized as a socio-religious divided society and has often waged war against Arab military forces.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.34
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• pp.147-172
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• 2014

The Guatemalan government and guerrilla forces(the Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemalteco, URNG) signed peace accord in 1996, and ended civil conflict(1960-1996). The bloodiest governments of the 36-year-lond armed conflict were those of Lucas Garc?a, R?os Montt and Mej?a V?ctores, between 1978 and 1983. The war that Guatemala underwent resulted in more than 200,000 casualties, more than 83% of them Mayan, according to the report of the CEH(Comision para de Esclarecimiento Historico). 'Victoria 82' and 'Opreation Sof?a' were the strategy of military dictatorship to destory indigenous Mayan communities. This paper is to demonstrates that the Guatemalan state perpetrated a genocide against the indigenous population using racism to strengthening modern nation-state and this was because, historically and structurally, it possessed, in its intrinsic naturem the repressive, ideological and legal apparatus. To distinguish Maya from ladino is often linked to cultural and social discrimination and a system of racial ranking. Militaty dictatorship used the system of racial ranking to exterminate indigenous populations.