Over the last three decades, the field of American Studies has increasingly paid attention to transnational approaches in an effort to diversify and expand the field's concerns beyond the narrow sense of the nation-state in today's globalizing world. Yet, the mediation of the transnational requires a careful analysis of the nation that is still in transit. In this context, this essay examines Herman Melville's novel Moby-Dick (1851) as a case study that vividly shows how reading American literature and culture through transnationalism not only offers new interpretations of canonical texts, but also helps us to better understand the historical roots and cultural contexts of contemporary issues such as global labor and migration, US citizenship and racial justice. To address the complexity of the text's circulation and reproduction, coupled with US national ideology and cultural conditions, I first turn to the canonization of Melville's Moby-Dick during the Cold War era as a national project and then explore the possibilities of transnational readings by focusing on the politics of race and global capitalism in the nineteenth century whaling industry. In doing so, I argue that critical transnationalism allows readers to keep questioning about their own understanding of race, nation, and cultural identity while remaining attentive to the destructive force of US imperialism and global capitalism in the twenty-first century.
This thesis is to check whether the modernization, promoted mainly in 1960-1970 of Korea may have the relations with Confucian values or have a gap between this and that, and have the question about the idea of the appearance of modernity under Park Jung-hee's government, which is based on the viewpoint that Confucianism would have been made ill use of or have contribution to the nation-directing modernity, especially to the modernization of people. In a sense this thesis demands the overcome of the modern ills such as social dichotomy, leaving out matters of locals, and neglecting the diversities and singularities of creatures, resulted from efficiencies and uniformity caused by nation-centralism. At first Confucianism have represented humanism with a view to finding the mean between the two of locals, affairs, and men. As such it has seek to find centrality, which means my real mind for meeting outward things or the optimum as the mean, the best state between of the two. The political doctrines modified from Confucian learnings including chung, hyo, samgang, and oryun worked as the mechanism for finding nation-directing modernity. As a result we have lived in the modernity, strengthened by nation-centralism. And the leading concepts in related with Neo-Confucianism had people lose their spaces of desire for their own future or got them to be narrow. Accordingly the modernization of Korea means not an integral space in which we can achieve what we want in various aspects, but a deficient space to be complemented, resulted from the centralization of all conditions of life, dichotomous way of approaching matters by nation-centralism, far from being the essence of Confucianism. In the end the rapid modernization by the leaders in Korea has given rise to the concentration politics, economy, and so forth on Seoul as the center. Then we should deeply reflect the deficiency state of centralism like this and how Confucianism would have been responsible for it and will give how to relieve the unequal centralism of nation. Now for this matter we would like to expect our study in the future.v
The objective of the study was to empirically assess the practice of quality management among employees of Malaysian public hospitals at the district, state and national level hospitals. Comparative analysis on the practice of quality management was made among the three groups of hospitals. Self-administered questionnaire was the main method of data collection. Twenty-three public hospitals throughout Peninsular Malaysia participated in the survey. Practice of quality management was found to be significantly higher in district hospitals than in the national referral centre, which is based in the capital city of Kuala Lumpur. However, there was no significant difference in perception of implementation outcome between the three levels of hospitals. Among the factors of quality management, teamwork was found to be significantly higher in district hospitals than in state hospitals and the national referral centre. Leadership and management commitment was found to be significantly higher in district and state hospitals than in the national referral centre. The effect of organizational structure could have an effect on practice of quality management.
In the modern society in which globalization and localization proceed simultaneously, diversified and rapid migration of diaspora makes a new from of boundary off the frame of the state and the nation. This new border accompanies cultural change and racial mixture; retains ethnic conflict, the gap between rich and poor, alienation and discrimination, as well as power conflict; and extends its influence. Nowadays, the countries all over the world including Korea face problem of Diaspora in numerous forms. And each country takes an approach to the problem of the diaspora in the aspects of their society, culture and political technology. This implies that most countries, without understanding the new form of border which is alive and dynamic, define and conceptualize the diaspora in the frame of one state and one nation to carry forward the policies accordingly, resulting in inequal, incomplete and awkward homogenization. This study aimed to explore the identity of the diaspora, the core for the problem solving. Of course, studies about the identity of the diaspora have been continued until today and many great outcomes have been achieved. Nevertheless, this study aimed to explore the identity of the diaspora and the national policies which have a close interrelationship with it. It is because the study ultimately aimed to highlight the interrelationship between the destination countries, Russia and China, and the diaspora, through the definition and the classification of Russian diaspora and Chinese diaspora and the analysis of the national policies about that. However, the intention was not to distinguish superiority through the comparison of the polices about the diaspora between two countries, but to focus on the diversity of the identity of the diaspora through defining each different diaspora and paralleling the policies. Second, the reason for looking into the diaspora policies of these two countries is because it is judged the changes in the diaspora policies of each country is one of the active factors for the changes in the identify of the diaspora of each country and it is the basic research for the study on the identity of the diaspora. New migration of diaspora changes the identity of the state, and the state makes the policies and enforce the policies, resulting in the influence on the diaspora. This interaction acts as the growth factor for the new boundary. The causes of Russian diaspora and Chinese diaspora show apparent 'differences'. In parallel with this, the policies about the diaspora in Russia and China arouse 'differences' to the diaspora. The variation of the identity of the diaspora made by these differences will suggest other viewpoints on the diaspora, and these viewpoints will become the foundation for solving the problem of the diaspora in the present times.
The debates continue on the conceptualization of Southeast Asia and the ways in which those of us who are concerned to attempt scholarly interventions in the region define, conceive, understand and engage with it. But, in an important sense, the region has now been defined for us by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and whatever academic researchers might wish to impose on Southeast Asia in regard to their priorities and interests, it may make little difference. Given the politically-derived, nation-state definition of Southeast Asia, are all our problems of regional definition resolved? In some respects, they have been. ASEAN has constructed and institutionalized a regional organization and an associated regional culture. But in certain fields of research we still require academic flexibility. We cannot always be confined by an ASEAN-derived regional definition. The paper will explore other configurations of 'region' and its sub-divisions and propose, that in the spirit of academic freedom, we can continue to generate imaginative depictions of Southeast Asia and its constituents both within and beyond the region.
Journal of information and communication convergence engineering
/
v.22
no.1
/
pp.1-6
/
2024
Energy efficiency in wireless sensor networks (WSNs) is a critical issue because batteries are used for operation and communication. In terms of scalability, energy efficiency, data integration, and resilience, WSN-cluster-based routing algorithms often outperform routing algorithms without clustering. Low-energy adaptive clustering hierarchy (LEACH) is a cluster-based routing protocol with a high transmission efficiency to the base station. In this paper, we propose an energy consumption model for LEACH and compare it with the existing LEACH, advanced LEACH (ALEACH), and power-efficient gathering in sensor information systems (PEGASIS) algorithms in terms of network lifetime. The energy consumption model comprises energy-sensitive cluster formation and a cluster head selection technique. The setup and steady-state phases of the proposed model are discussed based on the cluster head selection. The simulation results demonstrated that a low-energy-consumption network was introduced, modeled, and validated for LEACH.
This study focuses on that, unlike evolving smart technology, goals, policies, and administrative organization elements are tools that do not change in smart city implementation, and by applying the concept of policy implemental means, the characteristics of the Singapore Smart Nation Initiative are analyzed, results are derived and implications are suggested. To this end, literature analysis is conducted based on the case analysis framework with "Smart Nation" as an analysis unit and "project, administration, citizen engagement" as analysis elements. The implications through analysis are as follows. First, it is required to establish a state-led initiative for a major transformation into a digital society. Second, it is necessary to establish executive agencies directly under the president or prime minister for effective implementation of the initiative. Third, complementary programs at the level of detailed strategies, administrative organizations, and citizen participation as a means of implementation, should be considered and the flow of the recent digital ecosystem should be reflected. Fourth, it is necessary to promote a national movement for a great transformation into a digital society where all the people participate.
South Korea has investment agreements such as FTAs, BITs with several countries. Up to now, no single case has been registered against the Korean government on breach of investment agreements, but it is likely that the number of such cases would increase. Therefore, an investor-state dispute settlement system, an arbitral procedure by which a foreign investor may seek compensation of damage against the host country, is gaining its importance. The provision of the ISDS has been one of the hottest issues in Korea while the Kor-US FTA was being signed. In this respect, with the growing number of regional agreements such as BITs and FTAs, a careful scrutiny on the ISDS is necessary for Korea. I have therefore studied theoretically subjects including the National Treatment(NT), the Most-Favored Nation(MFN), Fair and Equitable Treatment and Expropriation - those that have been the objects of protection on investors. And I have analyzed ICSID arbitral awards and provided implications. In the ICSID arbitral awards, the Fair and Equitable Treatment turned out to be the most recognized violation on investors by the host State in terms of investor protection. On the other hand, Indirect Expropriation - a matter of which public anxiety was shown led by civic groups - was not generally recognized in arbitral awards. This study is written for sake of governments, local autonomous entities and public enterprises that are in charge of FTAs and BITs.
In this paper, a theoretical measurement model for comparing cultural power of nations as a form of national power is built and applied to the G20 nations. The measurement model is drawn from the literature of the state theories regarding culture, theories of epistemology, and debates about the sources of national power. Taking the multiple indicator approach, indicators reflecting diverse aspects of cultural power are developed are developed. Examined with empirical data, this model is proved as appropriate as a tool for measuring and comparing the cultural power of nations. Diverse aspects of the cultural power of the G20 nations are ranked and interesting points regarding the state and potential of Korean culture and her cultural governance in these respects are elaborated. The overall ranking of the cultural power of Korea is found as the $11^{th}$ while the U.S., U.K. and France respectively as the $1^{st}$, the $2^{nd}$, and the $3^{rd}$. The U.S. is ranked as the 1st in all three aspects of the cultural power of nation: cultural attractiveness, efforts to enhance the national cultural power, and cultural base of a nation. Korea is ranked as $14^{th}$, $11^{th}$, and $6^{th}$ respectively in these three respects of the national cultural power. Based upon typological analysis of the cultural power of Korea, it is found that Korea belongs to Type III. Trying to move eventually toward Type I state via Type II is suggested as a strategy movement for future cultural governance by Korean government and people to enhance her national cultural power.
The need for cyber resilience is increasingly important in our technology-dependent society where computing devices and data have been, and will continue to be, the target of cyber-attackers, particularly advanced persistent threat (APT) and nation-state/sponsored actors. APT and nation-state/sponsored actors tend to be more sophisticated, having access to significantly more resources and time to facilitate their attacks, which in most cases are not financially driven (unlike typical cyber-criminals). For example, such threat actors often utilize a broad range of attack vectors, cyber and/or physical, and constantly evolve their attack tactics. Thus, having up-to-date and detailed information of APT's tactics, techniques, and procedures (TTPs) facilitates the design of effective defense strategies as the focus of this paper. Specifically, we posit the importance of taxonomies in categorizing cyber-attacks. Note, however, that existing information about APT attack campaigns is fragmented across practitioner, government (including intelligence/classified), and academic publications, and existing taxonomies generally have a narrow scope (e.g., to a limited number of APT campaigns). Therefore, in this paper, we leverage the Cyber Kill Chain (CKC) model to "decompose" any complex attack and identify the relevant characteristics of such attacks. We then comprehensively analyze more than 40 APT campaigns disclosed before 2018 to build our taxonomy. Such taxonomy can facilitate incident response and cyber threat hunting by aiding in understanding of the potential attacks to organizations as well as which attacks may surface. In addition, the taxonomy can allow national security and intelligence agencies and businesses to share their analysis of ongoing, sensitive APT campaigns without the need to disclose detailed information about the campaigns. It can also notify future security policies and mitigation strategy formulation.
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