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A research on the stone ornaments of Taesils of Joseon royal family (조선왕실(朝鮮王室)의 태실석물(胎室石物)에 관한 일연구(一硏究) -서삼릉(西三陵) 이장(移藏)원 태실(胎室)을 중심(中心)으로-)

  • Yun, Seok-In
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.33
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    • pp.94-135
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    • 2000
  • Rituals for burying the tae(胎) is a unique royal tradition of Korea that lasted from Unified Shilla(統一新羅) Kingdom to Joseon(朝鮮) dynasty. However, all of the currently known taesil(胎室)s are of the royal descendants of Joseon dynasty. Therefore, Taesils made earlier than Joseon dynasty are only known by historical documents. Taesils of the royal descendants of Joseon Dynasty divide into two kinds. One is for those of princes and princesses and the other is for those of Kings. The structure of taesils of princes and princesses is a stone chest(石函) in a pit which dug on the apex of the Taebong(胎峰) containing a pair of Tae(胎)-urn(the inner urn and outer urn), a stone tablet called Jiseok(誌石) which the date of baby's birth and Tae burial is inscribed in. And a tombstone-shaped stone tablet which called Taesilbi(胎室碑) was built on the ground. And the underground structure of Taesils of Kings is identical with that of taesils of princes and princesses, but instead of just an stone tablet, this has a Budo(浮屠);means stupa of a monk in korean)-shaped stone structure on the top of the stone chest, and an octagon-shaped porch was built around it, and a Tapbi(塔碑) was built. This treatise is focused on the current status and change process of stone ornaments. The subject of this treatise is 54 Taesils which were transferred to Seosamnung(西三陵) during the japanese occupation and Tae-urns and Jiseok(誌石)s from any other Taesil and its stone chest were not included in this treatise. Researches on Taesils can be great help to history by providing resources about genealogy of Jaseon royal family and social, economical status of that time. And researches on stone ornaments and tae-urns from Taesils can provide great help to stone art history and porcelain history of Joseon dynasty.

Comparative Analysis of Three Dragon-man Nicknames Used by Kim Junghee (김정희가 사용한 명호 세 용정의 비교 분석)

  • Choi, Joon-Ho
    • Journal of Convergence for Information Technology
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    • v.9 no.10
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    • pp.94-100
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    • 2019
  • This study presents the superiority of his calligraphy by analyzing the use, meaning, and calligraphy of nickname three dragon-man(yong-jeong) written by Kim Junghee before and after exile in Jeju Island. Based on the basic structure of the three dragon-man, the relationship between the times, the context, and the characters was studied. Through this change process, the difference of art engineering with other works was analyzed. Kim Junghee intentionally went through a difficult situation by using a nickname with a dragon. He wrote different meanings, uses, and typefaces of the nickname three dragon-man, depending on the circumstances. Finally, Kim Junghee used 'three dragon-man' to King Heonjong and Monk Choui to express his feelings and intentions. His writing was excellent in art engineering and unique in the world. All were found to be supported by his epigraphy insights. The results of this study will be a new methodology for analyzing the meaning of nicknames of ordinary artists.

An Examination into the 61 Senders of Letters Contained in 『Haerincheokso(海隣尺素)』 (『해린척소(海隣尺素)』 발신자(發信者) 61인(人) 인물(人物) 탐색(探索))

  • Chaung, Hoosoo
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.35
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    • pp.447-470
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    • 2009
  • "Haerincheokso" is a collection of 279 letters, including the last one Gong Heon-gyeong sent to Lee Sang-jeok in 1865, which were sent by 61 people from 1830. This study examined the career and activities of each of the 61 senders based on their personal details. First, it was found that the senders had special relationships with Lee Sang-jeok. One of them, for example, published "Eunsongdangjip", a collection of poems written by Lee Sang-jeok. Second, many of the senders were from Jiansu Province, Shanxi Province and Zhejiang Province. Third, more than 50 percent of people Lee Sang-jeok had a friendship with were outstanding intellectuals who were Jinsa or Geoin. Fourth, all of the senders except for a monk and the owner of a ginseng shop did vigorous cultural activities in Yanjing at the time. If the reader read "Haerincheokso" based on information above, he will be able to reduce mistakes of misreading the book. Furthermore, the book offers some materials necessary to grasp the cultural exchanges between Korea and China in the 19th century.

Investigation of Etymology of a Word 'Chal(刹)' from Temple and Verification of Fallacy, Circulated in the Buddhist Community (사찰 '찰(刹)'의 어원 규명과 불교계 통용 오류 검증)

  • Lee, Hee-Bong
    • Journal of architectural history
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    • v.32 no.1
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    • pp.47-60
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    • 2023
  • Due to a mistranslation of Sanskrit to Chinese, East Asian Buddhist community misunderstands the original meaning of the fundamental word, 'sachal(寺刹)'. Sanskrit chattra, a parasol on top of a venerated Indian stupa buried with Buddha's sarira, became the symbol of majesty. The Indian stupa was transformed into a pagoda in China, and the highlighted parasol on the summit was transliterated into chaldara(刹多羅), an abbreviation for chal (刹), and finally designated the whole pagoda(塔). Sachal consists with lying low monastery and high-rise pagoda. Tapsa(塔寺), an archaic word of temple, is exactly the same as sachal, because chal means tap, pagoda. However, during the 7th century a Buddhist monk erroneously double-transliterated the Sanskrit 'kshetra,' meaning of land, into the same word as chal, even despite phonetic disaccord. Thereafter, sutra translators followed and copied the error for long centuries. It was the Japanese pioneer scholars that worsen the situation 100 years ago, to publish Sanskrit dictionaries with the errors insisting on phonetic transliteration, though pronunciation of 'kshe-' which is quite different from 'cha-.' Thereafter, upcoming scholars followed their fallacy without any verification. Fallacy of chal, meaning of land, dominates Buddhist community broadly, falling into conviction of collective fixed dogma in East Asia up to now. In the Buddhist community, it is the most important matter to recognize that the same language has become to refer completely different objects due to translation errors. As a research method, searching for corresponding Sanskrit words in translated sutras and dictionaries of Buddhism is predominant. Then, after analyzing the authenticity, the fallacy toward the truth will be corrected.

Analysis of the Production and Distribution Status and Bibliographic Characteristics of Large Print Books from 2009 to 2022 (큰글자책 제작 및 보급 현황과 서지적 특성 분석 - 2009년부터 2022년까지를 중심으로 -)

  • Seong-Kwan Lim
    • Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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    • v.54 no.1
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    • pp.69-90
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    • 2023
  • The purpose of this study is to analyze the current status and bibliographic characteristics of large-print books produced and distributed by the Korea Library Association, which participates as an auxiliary operator in the support of the large-print books distribution project promoted by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism. As a result of analyzing the list of production books from 2009 to 2022, the average type was 20.5 books and the number of books was 21.7. The subject field of the selected books was 'literature (39.5%)', the proportion of translated books was 19.9%, and the author of the most books was a Beopryun monk with a total of six books. In addition, an average annual number of public libraries where large-print books were distributed was 454, and based on the research results, appropriate measures were sought and proposed in terms of policy, selection, production, and guidance so that the project could continue stably and achieve higher results in the future.

Phase Behavior of the Ternary NaCl-PuCl3-Pu Molten Salt

  • Toni Karlsson;Cynthia Adkins;Ruchi Gakhar;James Newman;Steven Monk;Stephen Warmann
    • Journal of Nuclear Fuel Cycle and Waste Technology(JNFCWT)
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    • v.21 no.1
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    • pp.55-64
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    • 2023
  • There is a gap in our understanding of the behavior of fused and molten fuel salts containing unavoidable contamination, such as those due to fabrication, handling, or storage. Therefore, this work used calorimetry to investigate the change in liquidus temperature of PuCl3, having an unknown purity and that had been in storage for several decades. Further research was performed by additions of NaCl, making several compositions within the binary system, and summarizing the resulting changes, if any, to the phase diagram. The melting temperature of the PuCl3 was determined to be 746.5℃, approximately 20℃ lower than literature reported values, most likely due to an excess of Pu metal in the PuCl3 either due to the presence of metallic plutonium remaining from incomplete chlorination or due to the solubility of Pu in PuCl3. From the melting temperature, it was determined that the PuCl3 contained between 5.9 to 6.2mol% Pu metal. Analysis of the NaCl-PuCl3 samples showed that using the Pu rich PuCl3 resulted in significant changes to the NaCl-PuCl3 phase diagram. Most notably an unreported phase transition occurring at approximately 406℃ and a new eutectic composition of 52.7mol% NaCl-38.7mol% PuCl3-2.5mol% Pu which melted at 449.3℃. Additionally, an increase in the liquidus temperatures was seen for NaCl rich compositions while lower liquidus temperatures were seen for PuCl3 rich compositions. It can therefore be concluded that changes will occur in the NaCl-PuCl3 binary system when using PuCl3 with excess Pu metal. However, melting temperature analysis can provide valuable insight into the composition of the PuCl3 and therefore the NaCl-PuCl3 system.

The Qualitative Exploration of Dysfunctional Religiosity for Well-being (웰빙 차원에서 역기능적 종교성에 관한 질적 탐구)

  • Kyung-Hyun Suh
    • Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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    • v.24 no.2
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    • pp.193-220
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    • 2018
  • This study aims to analyze qualitatively the people's dysfunctional religiosity for well-being. The participants of this study were 6 the clergy and 6 believers (devotes). The clergy included three pastors of Protestant churches, two Buddhist monks (male and females), and one Won-Buddihst monk. Six devotes included two Protestants, two Catholics, and two Buddhist. There were one female in the clergy and three females in devotes. Data gathered from narrative interviews were analyzed with techniques based on Giorgi's phenomenological strategies and procedures. Twenty two topics derived from their assertions and statements, nine main meanings were classified based on those topics. Main meaning were reward-seeking religiosity, authority oriented religiosity, selfish religiosity, blind or unconditional religiosity, asocial religiosity, inactive religiosity, inexperienced religiosity, emotionally problematic religiosity, and cognitively problematic religiosity. Based on derived topics and main meaning, suggestions for further studies, for example the scale development, and information of strategies for promoting well-being of religious persons were discussed.

새로운 불교학 연구의 지평을 위하여

  • Jo, Seong-Taek
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.16
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    • pp.151-166
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    • 2003
  • Contemporary Buddhist scholarship in Korea has been strongly affected by its origins in the Victorian era, when Western religious scholars sought to rationalize and historicize the study of religion. Modern Korean scholars, trained within the Western scholarly paradigm, share this prejudice which tends toward the rational. The result is a skewed understanding of Buddhism, emphasizing its philosophical and theoretical aspects at the expense of seemingly "irrational" religious elements based on the direct experience of meditation practice. This paper seeks to look at the historical context in which modern Korean Buddhist scholarship had been shaped during the colonial period of Japan. Two case studies will be examined particularly in the light of post-colonial perspectives of Buddhist studies: the case of Jonghong Bak(1903-1976) and the case of Donghwa Gim(1902-1980), two pioneering scholars in the field of Buddhist studies. They share similarities as well as differences. Both were born and active at almost the same period, during which Korean peninsula experienced modernization forced upon by Japanese colonialism. And thus, the experience of colonialism and modernization brought them into conflict between tradition and modernity. Their responses, however, were different. Pak, originally trained in Western philosophy, especially German philosophy, wanted to study Korean Buddhism in the context of the so-called Korean Philosophy per se. He was motivated to seek for the national and cultural identity of Korea. And thus his scholarship on Korean Buddhism naturally led him to look for an original Korean Buddhism distinct from the Buddhism of India, China and Japan. On the other hand, Gim, who became a monk in his youth, later went to Japan for college where he was exposed to modern Buddhist scholarship. He was the first to introduce modern Buddhist scholarship to Korea, and since then, contemporary Korean Buddhist scholarship owes much to his contributions. Despite his contributions to contemporary Korean Buddhist scholarship, if we look at his efforts in the light of post-colonial perspective, his ideas need to be reevaluate.

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A Study of the Japanese Colonial Era Rock-Carved Seated Avalokiteśvara Statue at Ganghwa Bomunsa Temple (일제강점기 강화 보문사 마애관음보살좌상 연구)

  • Lee, Jumin
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.53 no.3
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    • pp.62-79
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    • 2020
  • The rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Ganghwa Bomunsa Temple is a giant rock-carved Buddhist statue that was built in 1928 during the Japanese colonial era. Although it is a year-recorded Buddhist statue that occupies a prominent place in modern Korean Buddhist sculpture history, it has not been the subject of in-depth discussion due to weak research on modern Buddhist sculptures. In this study, to examine the various significant aspects of the rock-carved Seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa Temple as a modern Buddhist sculpture, I have managed to determine its construction year, artificers, and patrons by deciphering the inscription around the rock-carved statue; in addition I have researched the effects of the rock shapes and landforms on the formation of the Buddhist statue by comparing and analyzing the points of view of both artificers and worshipers. I have also identified the specific circumstances of the time of construction from interviews with the descendants of artificers. A monk from Geumgangsan Mountain, Lee Hwaeung, took the role of sponsor and chief painter to construct the rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa temple. In the beginning of its construction in 1928, more than 100 donators jointly sponsored the construction of the statue. Gansong Jeon Hyoungphil sponsored alone at the time of the place of worship's expansion in 1938. Bomunsa Temple has been regarded as one of the top-three sacred places of Avalokiteśvara Bodhisattva together with Naksansa Temple in Yang Yang and Boriam in Nam Hae, due to the construction of the rock-carved statue. It took about three months to construct the statue. Lee Hwaeung drew a rough sketch and then Un Songhag and five masons from Ganghwa Island took part in the carving process. We can observe the line drawing technique around the rock-carved statue because the statue was carved based on the rough sketch of the monk painter. The aspect of Lee Hwaeung as a painter is revealed; therefore, we can identify the clue of painting pattern leading to Seogongchulyou- Hwaunghyoungjin- Ilonghyegag. The rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa Temple is a typical Avalokiteśvara that wears a jeweled crown and holds Kundica. It makes a strong impression as it has a big square-shaped face and a short neck and is unsophisticated in general. The artificers solved the issue of visual distortion of the rock-carved statue caused by carving on a 10-meter high and 40-degree sloping rock by controlling motion to its maximum, omitting detailed expression by emphasizing symmetry, and adjusting the head-to-body proportion to be almost one-to-one. In this study, especially, I presume the unified form of sacred sculptures and Buddhist altars, without making a Buddhist altar like the rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa Temple, to be a key characteristic of modern Buddhist sculptures. Furthermore, I make newly clear that the six letters of Sanskrit carved on nimbus, which had been interpreted as a Six-Syllable Mantra, are a combination with Jeongbeopgye and Sabang Mantras. In addition, three iron rings driven on eaves rock were used as a reference point, and after construction they were used as a decoration for the Bodhisattva with hanging wind chimes.

Mid-Silla Buddhist Art of Bunhwangsa Temple Seen through the Record of Samgukyusa (『삼국유사』를 통해 본 분황사(芬皇寺)의 중대신라 불교미술)

  • Choe, Song-eun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.47 no.4
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    • pp.136-161
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    • 2014
  • This paper investigates the Buddhist sculpture and wall-painting enshrined in the halls of Bunhwangsa (Bunhwang temple) at Gyeongju in the mid-Silla period, which are thoroughly unknown to us except through textual records of Samgukyusa compiled by Priest Ilyeon in the late thirteenth century. According to Samgukyusa, a clay portrait-sculpture of Monk Wonhyo, made by his son Seolchong, was placed in Bunhwangsa. This image faced to the side, because he turned his body toward Seolchong when Seolchong bowed to this image. This story suggests that the portrait image of Wonhyo was most likely made after the Vimalakirti images, which were popular in China from the Six Dynasties period on, especially the Vimalakirti images of the early Tang period, turning his head and body toward Bodhisattva Manjusi seated opposite. The Vimalakirti image of Seokkuram might show the portrait image of Wonhyo. A wall-painting of a Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara who has a thousand arms with a thousand eyes, called by the name 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands', was enshrined on the north wall of the left hall of Bunhwangsa. During King Gyeondeok's reign, Himyeong and her five-year-old blind child prayed before this image, and the blind child gained eyesight. While praying, they sang a song pleading for one of the thousand eyes which the Bodhisattva had in his hands. This song implies that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara had a thousand eyes, one painted on each hand. The fact that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara of Bunhwangsa was called 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands' indicates that this painting was based on the scripture Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara Sutra translated by Bhagavaddharma in about 655, in the Tang period, which also has 'Great Mercy' in its title. In the year 755, a gilt bronze image of Medicine Buddha was made in Bunhwangsa, using nearly 61 tons of bronze to cast. The huge amount of bronze suggests it includes not only the Buddha statue but many other images such as two attendant Bodhisattvas of Suryaprabha and Candraprabha, Eight Great Bodhisattvas, or Twelve Guardians. Seven images of Medicine Buddha might have been made in accordance with the scriptural text of Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra translated by Monk Yijing. Textual evidence and recent excavation have revealed that seven images of Medicine Buddha and their whole attendant images based on Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra were made in the Nara period from 751 to 762 when Queen Gomyo contructed Sinyakusiji temple for the recovery of her husband Shomu. It is fair to assume that one or seven Medicine Buddhas and a whole group of his (their) attendant images were made for the main hall of Bunhwangsa temple in 755.