• 제목/요약/키워드: military security policy

검색결과 194건 처리시간 0.025초

Challenges in nuclear energy adoption: Why nuclear energy newcomer countries put nuclear power programs on hold?

  • Philseo Kim;Hanna Yasmine;Man-Sung Yim;Sunil S. Chirayath
    • Nuclear Engineering and Technology
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    • 제56권4호
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    • pp.1234-1243
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    • 2024
  • The pressing need to mitigate greenhouse gas emissions has stimulated a renewed interest in nuclear energy worldwide. However, while numerous countries have shown interest in nuclear power over the course of history, many of them have not continued their pursuit and chosen to defer or abandon their peaceful nuclear power projects. Scrapping a national nuclear power program after making initial efforts implies significant challenges in such a course or a waste of national resources. Therefore, this study aims to identify the crucial factors that influence a country's decision to terminate or hold off its peaceful nuclear power programs. Our empirical analyses demonstrate that major nuclear accidents and leadership changes are significant factors that lead countries to terminate or defer their nuclear power programs. Additionally, we highlight that domestic politics (democracy), lack of military alliance with major nuclear suppliers, low electricity demand, and national energy security environments (energy import, crude oil price) can hamper a country's possibility of regaining interest in a nuclear power program after it has been scrapped, suspended, or deferred. The findings of this study have significant implications for policymakers and stakeholders in the energy sector as they strive to balance the competing demands of energy security, and environmental sustainability.

전시작전통제권 전환에 관한 정책흐름 및 전문가집단 위상변동모형 사례분석 (PSECF (Policy Streams & Expert Group Standing Change Framework) for Wartime Operational Control Transition)

  • 박상중;고찬
    • 디지털융복합연구
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    • 제12권7호
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    • pp.37-47
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    • 2014
  • 이 연구는 박상중 고찬이 제안한 '정책흐름 및 전문가집단 위상변동모형'(Policy Stream and Expert Group Standing Change Framework, 이후 PSECF)을 활용하여 참여정부의 전시작전통제권(이후 전작권) 결정을 분석하는 것이다. 전작권 전환 결정과정에서 노무현 전 대통령과 진보성향의 국가안전보장회의(National Security Committee, 이후 NSC)의 강력한 의지는 정책개발과정의 주요 동인으로 작동하였으며, 국방부 및 합참 등 군사전문가집단의 의견은 정책에 수동적이라는 이유로 철저하게 배제되었다. 전문가집단의 위상변동 측면에서 볼 때 전작권 전환 결정이후 8개월 만에 보수성향의 정부가 출범하게 됨으로써 참여정부에서 전작권 전환을 주도한 NSC는 위상이 약화된 반면에 국방부 및 합참과 같은 보수진영은 그 위상이 향상되었다. 결론적으로 참여정부의 전작권 전환에 관한 이 연구는 상위 수준의 국가정책을 설명하는 정책도구로서 PSECF의 적용가능성을 제고하였다는데 의의가 있다.

부사관 모집제도 연구 (Study on the NCO Acquisition Pragram of Human Strength)

  • 정재극
    • 융합보안논문지
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    • 제14권3_1호
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    • pp.3-9
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    • 2014
  • 육 해 공군 부사관은 군을 유지 발전시키고 이끌어가는 근간이므로 인력획득업무는 매우 중요하다. 현재 부사관의 모집업무는 각 군이 양성기관별로 중복 운영하면서 지원자의 진로에 대한 궁금증을 효과적으로 해소해 주지 못하고 있는 실정이다. 부사관 선발제도는 군 고유성유지와 획득전문가 활용 및 법령개정 측면에서는 유리하였지만 홍보, 선발효율성, 국민편익증진, 예산절감 등에서 미흡하다고 보여진다. 따라서 각 군별 모집에 대한 일원화를 모병업무 전담기관인 병무청에서 운영한다면 각 군의 노력과 자원을 절감하면서 우수한 간부인력을 획득할 수 있으며, 부사관 지원자들이 적시에 정확한 정보를 제공할 수 있고, 편리한 시설과 시스템을 통한 향상된 서비스를 제공할 수 있을 것으로 기대된다.

고려 태조 왕건의 후삼국통일과 리더십 (The unification of the Later Three Kingdoms by King Taejo of Koryo dynasty, Wang Gun and his Leadership)

  • 김갑동
    • 안보군사학연구
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    • 통권4호
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    • pp.211-240
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    • 2006
  • King Taejo, Wang Gun had succeeded in bringing order out of chaos of the Later Three Kingdoms and establishing a new unified dynasty, Koryo. Why can he gain the victory against the king of Later Baekje, GyunHwon? What is the his leadership? These are his leadership. (1) He had the peserverance. in 927 Wang Gun had broken by Gyun Hwon's army at Gong San. Nevertheless He didn't dissapoint and trained troops for battle steadily. Therefore in 930 he gained a great victory against Gyun Hwon at An Dong. (2) He use the command rights justically. (3)His soldiers are obedient to his orders involuntarily. (4) He always cooperateed with other’s commanders. (5)He efforted to gain victory without battle. (6)He had a high and great plan. (7) He took advantage of land configuration. (8) He made the enemy to fall into internal disarray. With these leadership, Wang Gun unified Later Three Kingdoms. Regarding himself as the success or to Goguryo, he pursued a policy of expansion to the north. Therefore he extended his borders to Chongchon River. At the same time he broke the chains of the bone-rank system which had shackled Shil1a's society.

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드론의 군사적 활용에 따른 국제법적 쟁점 - 차별의 원칙과 비례성 원칙을 중심으로- (International Law on Drone's Military use - Focuse on Proportionality and Discrimination Principles -)

  • 조홍제;강호증
    • 항공우주정책ㆍ법학회지
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    • 제35권1호
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    • pp.127-152
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    • 2020
  • 오늘날 국제사회는 협력과 평화의 분위기가 확산되고 있음에도 불구하고 한편에서는 갈등과 반목으로 끊임없이 전쟁과 분쟁이 발생하고 있다. 이에 따라 각종 첨단 무기체계가 발전하고 있으며, 민간인의 희생을 최소화하고 전쟁 지도부 또는 핵심적인 인물을 제거하여 전쟁을 조기에 종식시키기 위한 노력이 지속되고 있다. 이 같은 상황 속에서 정찰, 목표물 탐지, 타격 및 핵심인물 제거를 위해 드론이 이용되고 있다. 드론은 조종사나 아군의 인명 피해 없이 적군을 제압하거나 타격할 수 있는 유용한 무기이며, 경제적인 무기라고 알려지고 있다. 최근에는 아프카니스탄이나 파키스탄 지역에서 은거하고 있는 테러 지도자나 핵심인물을 타격할 수 있는 무기로서 잘 알려지고 있다. 그러나 한편으로 무고한 시민이나 비전투요원들이 희생되거나 사살되는 경우도 자주 발생하고 있어 국제사회에서 많은 논란이 되고 있다. 따라서 드론 작전시 전투원과 비전투요원에 대한 차별의 원칙을 준수해야 한다. 드론은 첨단 기술력으로 인해 전투원과 비전투요원을 더욱 잘 구별할 수 있게 되었다. 드론 작전시 교전 당사국은 시민과 전사 그리고 민간 목표물과 군사적 목표물을 항상 구별하고 단지 군사적 목표물에 대해서만 직접적인 작전을 수행해야만 한다. 또한 드론을 활용하는 군사작전 시 기대되는 군사적 이점과 야기될 손해간의 균형을 요구하는 비례의 원칙을 준수해야만 한다. 이는 근본적으로 재산이나 시민에게 부가적인 손해를 발생시키는 군사력 사용을 금지한다. 드론은 수 시간 동안 표적을 추적하고 발사 전까지 정확한 표적조준과 시민들의 희생과 피해를 최소화할 의도로 공격시간, 장소를 선택할 수 있는 능력을 가짐으로써 시민들의 보호를 강화할 수 있을 것이다. 그리하여 군사용 드론은 쉽게 실질적인 군사목표물을 식별하고 가능한 한 군사적 목표물에 제한할 수 있는 능력을 보유하고 있음으로 드론은 추가의정서 51조 4항의 기준을 충족시킨다고 볼 수 있을 것이다.

Target Practising in a Global Commons: The Chinese ASAT Test and Outer Space Law

  • Dunk, Frans G. Von Der
    • 항공우주정책ㆍ법학회지
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    • 제22권1호
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    • pp.55-74
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    • 2007
  • When the People's Republic of China destroyed one of its own defunct meteorological satellites, the Fengyun-1C, at an altitude of some 865 km above the earth's surface, the PRC was accused of initiating, or at the very least risking an(other) arms race in outer space also. The test also gave rise to a few legal questions as to the permissibility of this test, and the broader permissibility of using space for military and other weapon-touting activities, Whilst the test cannot be considered to constitute a direct threat to international peace and security so as to invoke relevant legal principles and consequences in terms of the UN Charter for example, it highlights the importance of such clauses in international space law as requiring international cooperation and consultation, due regard for the interests of all other countries both on earth and in outer space, and the further development of general regimes of registration and space debris-prevention. From that perspective, the PRC violated international outer space law not so much by the test itself but by the accompanying lack of information, consultation and due regard for other states', and indeed mankind's, interests.

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Target Practising in a Global Commons: The Chinese ASAT Test and Outer Space Law

  • Dunk, Frans G.Von Der
    • 항공우주정책ㆍ법학회지
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    • 제spc호
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    • pp.181-199
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    • 2007
  • When the People's Republic of China destroyed one of its own defunct meteorological satellites, the Fengyun-1C, at an altitude of some 865 km above the earth's surface, the PRC was accused of initiating, or at the very least risking an(other) arms race in outer space also. The test also gave rise to a few legal questions as to the permissibility of this test, and the broader permissibility of using space for military and other weapon-touting activities, Whilst the test cannot be considered to constitute a direct threat to international peace and security so as to invoke relevant legal principles and consequences in terms of the UN Charter for example, it highlights the importance of such clauses in international space law as requiring international cooperation and consultation, due regard for the interests of all other countries both on earth and in outer space, and the further development of general regimes of registration and space debris-prevention. From that perspective, the PRC violated international outer space law not so much by the test itself but by the accompanying lack of information, consultation and due regard for other states', and indeed mankind's, interests.

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통일 한국의 적정 군사력에 관한 연구 - 분쟁 시나리오와 상대적 균형전략을 중심으로 - (A Study on Appropriate Military Strength of Unified Korea (Focused on relative balance strategy and conflict scenario))

  • 홍봉기
    • 안보군사학연구
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    • 통권13호
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    • pp.687-738
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    • 2016
  • To prepare for the complicated international relationship regarding Korean Peninsula after reunification, this thesis started off with the awareness that Unified Korea should build its international posture and national security at an early stage by determining its appropriate military strength for independent defense and military strategies that Unified Korea should aim. The main theme of this thesis is 'The research on appropriate military strength of the Unified Korean military'. To derive appropriate military strength of Unified Korea, this research focuses on conflict scenario and relative balance strategy based on potential threats posed by neighboring countries, and this is the part that differentiates this research from other researches. First of all, the main objective of the research is to decide appropriate military strength for Unified Korea to secure defense sufficiency. For this, this research will decide efficient military strategy that Unified Korea should aim. Than by presuming the most possible military conflict scenario, this research will judge the most appropriate military strength for Unified Korea to overcome the dispute. Second, after deciding appropriate military strength, this research will suggest how to operate presumed military strength in each armed force. The result of this thesis is as in the following. First, Unified Korea should aim 'relative balance strategy'. 'Relative balance strategy' is a military strategy which Unified Korea can independently secure defense sufficiency by maintaining relative balance when conflicts occur between neighboring countries. This strategy deters conflicts in advance by relative balance of power in certain time and place. Even if conflict occurs inevitably, this strategy secures initiative. Second, when analyzing neighboring countries interest and strategic environment after unification, the possibility of all-out war will be low in the Korean Peninsula because no other nation wants the Korean Peninsula to be subordinated to one single country. Therefore appropriate military strength of the Unified Korean military would be enough when Unified Korea can achieve relative balance in regional war or limited war. Third, Northeast Asia is a region where economic power and military strength is concentrated. Despite increasing mutual cooperation in the region, conflicts and competition to expand each countries influence is inherent. Japan is constantly enhancing their military strength as they aim for normal statehood. China is modernizing their military strength as they aspire to become global central nation. Russia is also enhancing their military strength in order to hold on to their past glory of Soviet Union as a world power. As a result, both in quality and quantity, the gap between military strength of Unified Korea and each neighboring countries is enlarged at an alarming rate. Especially in the field of air-sea power, arms race is occurring between each nation. Therefore Unified Korea should be equipped with appropriate military strength in order to achieve relative balance with each threats posed by neighboring countries. Fourth, the most possible conflicts between Unified Korea and neighboring countries could be summarized into four, which are Dokdo territorial dispute with Japan, Leodo jurisdictional dispute with China, territorial dispute concerning northern part of the Korea Peninsula with China and disputes regarding marine resources and sea routes with Russia. Based on those conflict scenarios, appropriate military strength for Unified Korea is as in the following. When conflict occurs with Japan regarding Dokdo, Japan is expected to put JMSDF Escort Flotilla 3, one out of four of its Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force Escort Fleet, which is based in Maizuru and JMSDF Maizuru District. To counterbalance this military strength, Unified Korea needs one task fleet, comprised with three task flotilla. In case of jurisdictional conflict with China concerning Leodo, China is expected to dispatch its North Sea fleet, one out of three of its naval fleet, which is in charge of the Yellow Sea. To response to this military action, Unified Korea needs one task fleet, comprised with three task flotilla. In case of territorial dispute concerning northern part of the Korean Peninsula with China, it is estimated that out of seven Military Region troops, China will dispatch two Military Region troops, including three Army Groups from Shenyang Military Region, where it faces boarder with the Korean Peninsula. To handle with this military strength, Unified Korea needs six corps size ground force strength, including three corps of ground forces, two operational reserve corps(maneuver corps), and one strategic reserve corps(maneuver corps). When conflict occurs with Russia regarding marine resources and sea routes, Russia is expected to send a warfare group of a size that includes two destroyers, which is part of the Pacific Fleet. In order to balance this strength, Unified Korea naval power requires one warfare group including two destroyers. Fifth, management direction for the Unified Korean military is as in the following. Regarding the ground force management, it would be most efficient to deploy troops in the border area with china for regional and counter-amphibious defense. For the defense except the border line with china, the most efficient form of force management would be maintaining strategic reserve corps. The naval force should achieve relative balance with neighboring countries when there is maritime dispute and build 'task fleet' which can independently handle long-range maritime mission. Of the three 'task fleet', one task fleet should be deployed at Jeju base to prepare for Dokdo territorial dispute and Leodo jurisdictional dispute. Also in case of regional conflict with china, one task fleet should be positioned at Yellow Sea and for regional conflict with Japan and Russia, one task fleet should be deployed at East Sea. Realistically, Unified Korea cannot possess an air force equal to neither Japan nor China in quantity. Therefore, although Unified Korea's air force might be inferior in quantity, they should possess the systematic level which Japan or China has. For this Unified Korea should build air base in island areas like Jeju Island or Ullenong Island to increase combat radius. Also to block off infiltration of enemy attack plane, air force needs to build and manage air bases near coastal areas. For landing operation forces, Marine Corps should be managed in the size of two divisions. For island defense force, which is in charge of Jeju Island, Ulleung Island, Dokdo Island and five northwestern boarder island defenses, it should be in the size of one brigade. Also for standing international peace keeping operation, it requires one brigade. Therefore Marine Corps should be organized into three divisions. The result of the research yields a few policy implications when building appropriate military strength for Unified Korea. First, Unified Korea requires lower number of ground troops compared to that of current ROK(Republic of Korea) force. Second, air-sea forces should be drastically reinforced. Third, appropriate military strength of the Unified Korean military should be based on current ROK military system. Forth, building appropriate military strength for Unified Korea should start from today, not after reunification. Because of this, South Korea should build a military power that can simultaneously prepare for current North Korea's provocations and future threats from neighboring countries after reunification. The core of this research is to decide appropriate military strength for Unified Korea to realize relative balance that will ensure defense sufficiency from neighboring countries threats. In other words, this research should precisely be aware of threats posed by neighboring countries and decide minimum level of military strength that could realize relative balance in conflict situation. Moreover this research will show the path for building appropriate military strength in each armed force.

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시스템 사고를 이용한 사이버전 보안 정책 레버리지 전략 연구 (A Leverage Strategy of the Cyber warfare Security Policy Based on systems Thinking)

  • 양호경;차현종;신효영;박호균;유황빈
    • 융합보안논문지
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    • 제13권4호
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    • pp.77-83
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    • 2013
  • 정보기술의 발전에 따라 전쟁의 양상이 무기체계 위주 재래식 전쟁에서 네트워크를 기반으로 한 네트워크중심전(NCW)로 바뀌어 가고 있다. 전장의 개념 또한 물리적 공간뿐만 아니라 군사시설, 에너지시설, 교통, 통신망 등 국가 기간산업의 전산망을 비롯한 모든 영역을 포함하는 것으로 변모하고 있다. 변화하는 전쟁 수행 개념과 방식의 발전추세에 비추어 볼 때 우리 군은 사이버전 위협에 효과적으로 대응할 수 있는 방안을 모색하여야 한다. 기존에는 사이버전에 대한 부분적인 전략은 연구되었으나 시스템 전반적인 흐름을 통한 연구는 이루어지지 않았다. 본 논문에서는 사이버전 보안관련 주요 변수들을 인력, 운영, 기술로 구분하여, 각 분야별 단순모형과 확장모형을 제시하고 제시된 확장모형 중 기술분야를 중심으로 정형기법을 사용하여 타당성을 검증하고 식별된 레버리지에 따른 구체적인 대응 전략을 제시하고자 한다.

17대·18대 대선과 18대·19대·20대 총선에 나타난 새누리당의 외교안보통일 공약 분석 : 북핵, 남북관계 그리고 한미동맹 공약을 중심으로 (A Study on National Security Policy Platforms by South Korea's Ruling Parties During General and Presidential Elections)

  • 최종건
    • 의정연구
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    • 제22권2호
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    • pp.53-75
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    • 2016
  • 본 논문은 선거 국면에서 새누리당의 외교안보 및 통일 정책 등을 분석하고자 한다. 본 연구는 집권 여당인 새누리당이 북핵 문제 해결을 어떻게 구상하였고 어떠한 정책적 방법을 통해 해결할 수 있다고 국민들에게 공약하였는지 집중분석 하고자 한다. 또한 본 논문은 한반도 긴장관계 완화를 위한 방안으로 집권여당이 남북관계에 대한 어떠한 비전을 유권자에게 제시하였는지 분석하였다. 북핵 문제가 위협에 관한 집권당의 위협인식을 보여주는 사안이라면, 남북관계미래 비전은 긴장완화를 어떻게 실현할지에 관한 집권당의 세계관을 보여주는영역이라고 할 수 있을 것이다. 마지막으로 본 논문은 새누리당이 한미동맹에 관해 어떠한 인식을 지니고 있었는지 분석하였다. 이 부분은 사회 주류세력이 어떠한 동맹관과 안보관을 가지고 있는지를 가늠할 수 있는 영역이 될 것으로 사료된다. 이를 통해 전반적으로 집권여당이 한반도 주변 환경에 대한 어떠한위협 및 기회인식을 보여왔는지를 파악하고, 하부 정책인 외교와 대북 그리고 국방 정책으로 집약되는 안보정책들을 생산하였는지 묘사적 설명을 통해 제시하는 것을 본 논문의 목적으로 한다. 본 논문의 분석대상은 1997년 17대 총선부터 2016년 20대 총선까지의 세 차례 총선과 두 차례 대선(2007년 17대 대선과 2012년 18대 대선)에서 새누리당이 내놓은 대국민 외교안보통일 공약이다.