• 제목/요약/키워드: military security policy

검색결과 192건 처리시간 0.023초

군사훈련용 기능성 게임에 관한 연구 (A Study on the Serious Game for the Military Training)

  • 하수철
    • 안보군사학연구
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    • 통권7호
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    • pp.233-270
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    • 2009
  • Serious game played with a computer in accordance with specific rules, that uses entertainment to further government or corporate training, education, health, public policy, and strategic communication objectives. The main goal of a serious game is usually to train or educate users while giving them an enjoyable experience. Serous games are video games with serious purposes such as teaching or training and whose principal aim is education. The major characteristics of serious games involve pedagogy which are all of the activities that educate, train, or instruct the player. Other characteristics of serious games are that they use entertainment principles, creativity and technology to build games that carry out serious purposes. This study is to introduce a serious game for the military training and to describe the elements of game design for developing it.

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중국 해병대의 기능변화와 향후 발전전망 연구 (A Study on the Changing Functions of the PRC Marine Corps and Future Development)

  • 이표규;임계환
    • 융합보안논문지
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    • 제17권5호
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    • pp.143-151
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    • 2017
  • 본 논문의 연구목적은 중국 해병대의 발전과정 고찰을 통해, 기능 변화를 분석해 보고, 향후 발전 전망을 제시하는 것이다. 중국 해병대는 중앙군사위원회에서 바다, 호수 등 해양장애물을 극복하여 적 지역으로 투사할 목적으로 창설된 정규 엘리트 상륙군이다. 중국 해병대는 전체 군사력 규모에 비해 소수의 병력으로 편성되어 있어, 중국이 대외로 확장정책을 추구하기 이전에는 대만에 대한 상륙 및 지상 작전, 도서 지역방어 기능에 한정되었었다. 그러나 2000년대 이후 중국이 자국의 절대 이익추구 정책을 추구하면서 동남아 제국 및 일본과의 해양영토분쟁과 시진핑 시대 일대일로 정책에 따른 해외전진기지 방어 및 대외영향력 증대를 위한 기능이 확대되어, 전체 규모 또한 점차 증강되고 있는 추세이다. 이러한 중국 해군과 해병대의 세력증강이 한국의 동맹국인 미국의 아태지역 위상과 영향력을 견제하는 수단으로까지 발전된다면, 한반도를 중심으로 한 안보환경은 요동칠 가능성이 많다. 따라서 우리 한국도 현 해군과 해병대 전력이 변화되는 안보환경에 적절한 기능을 수행할 수 있도록 재검토할 필요가 있다고 사료된다.

한국전쟁의 교훈과 대비 -병력수(兵力數) 및 부대수(部隊數)를 중심으로- (The lesson From Korean War)

  • 윤일영
    • 안보군사학연구
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    • 통권8호
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    • pp.49-168
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    • 2010
  • Just before the Korean War, the total number of the North Korean troops was 198,380, while that of the ROK(Republic of Korea) army troops 105,752. That is, the total number of the ROK army troops at that time was 53.3% of the total number of the North Korean army. As of December 2008, the total number of the North Korean troops is estimated to be 1,190,000, while that of the ROK troops is 655,000, so the ROK army maintains 55.04% of the total number of the North Korean troops. If the ROK army continues to reduce its troops according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the total number of its troops will be 517,000 m 2020. If North Korea maintains the current status(l,190,000 troops), the number of the ROK troops will be 43.4% of the North Korean army. In terms of units, just before the Korean War, the number of the ROK army divisions and regiments was 80% and 44.8% of North Korean army. As of December 2008, North Korea maintains 86 divisions and 69 regiments. Compared to the North Korean army, the ROK army maintains 46 Divisions (53.4% of North Korean army) and 15 regiments (21.3% of North Korean army). If the ROK army continue to reduce the military units according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of ROK army divisions will be 28(13 Active Division, 4 Mobilization Divisions and 11 Local Reserve Divisions), while that of the North Korean army will be 86 in 2020. In that case, the number of divisions of the ROK army will be 32.5% of North Korean army. During the Korean war, North Korea suddenly invaded the Republic of Korea and occupied its capital 3 days after the war began. At that time, the ROK army maintained 80% of army divisions, compared to the North Korean army. The lesson to be learned from this is that, if the ROK army is forced to disperse its divisions because of the simultaneous invasion of North Korea and attack of guerrillas in home front areas, the Republic of Korea can be in a serious military danger, even though it maintains 80% of military divisions of North Korea. If the ROK army promotes the plans in [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of military units of the ROK army will be 32.5% of that of the North Korean army. This ratio is 2.4 times lower than that of the time when the Korean war began, and in this case, 90% of total military power should be placed in the DMZ area. If 90% of military power is placed in the DMZ area, few troops will be left for the defense of home front. In addition, if the ROK army continues to reduce the troops, it can allow North Korea to have asymmetrical superiority in military force and it will eventually exert negative influence on the stability and peace of the Korean peninsular. On the other hand, it should be reminded that, during the Korean War, the Republic of Korea was attacked by North Korea, though it kept 53.3% of troops, compared to North Korea. It should also be reminded that, as of 2008, the ROK army is defending its territory with the troops 55.04% of North Korea. Moreover, the national defense is assisted by 25,120 troops of the US Forces in Korea. In case the total number of the ROK troops falls below 43.4% of the North Korean army, it may cause social unrest about the national security and may lead North Korea's misjudgement. Besides, according to Lanchester strategy, the party with weaker military power (60% compared to the party with stronger military power) has the 4.1% of winning possibility. Therefore, if we consider the fact that the total number of the ROK army troops is 55.04% of that of the North Korean army, the winning possibility of the ROK army is not higher than 4.1%. If the total number of ROK troops is reduced to 43.4% of that of North Korea, the winning possibility will be lower and the military operations will be in critically difficult situation. [Military Reform Plan 2020] rums at the reduction of troops and units of the ground forces under the policy of 'select few'. However, the problem is that the financial support to achieve this goal is not secured. Therefore, the promotion of [Military Reform Plan 2020] may cause the weakening of military defence power in 2020. Some advanced countries such as Japan, UK, Germany, and France have promoted the policy of 'select few'. However, what is to be noted is that the national security situation of those countries is much different from that of Korea. With the collapse of the Soviet Unions and European communist countries, the military threat of those European advanced countries has almost disappeared. In addition, the threats those advanced countries are facing are not wars in national level, but terrorism in international level. To cope with the threats like terrorism, large scaled army trops would not be necessary. So those advanced European countries can promote the policy of 'select few'. In line with this, those European countries put their focuses on the development of military sections that deal with non-military operations and protection from unspecified enemies. That is, those countries are promoting the policy of 'select few', because they found that the policy is suitable for their national security environment. Moreover, since they are pursuing common interest under the European Union(EU) and they can form an allied force under NATO, it is natural that they are pursing the 'select few' policy. At present, NATO maintains the larger number of troops(2,446,000) than Russia(l,027,000) to prepare for the potential threat of Russia. The situation of japan is also much different from that of Korea. As a country composed of islands, its prime military focus is put on the maritime defense. Accordingly, the development of ground force is given secondary focus. The japanese government promotes the policy to develop technology-concentrated small size navy and air-forces, instead of maintaining large-scaled ground force. In addition, because of the 'Peace Constitution' that was enacted just after the end of World War II, japan cannot maintain troops more than 240,000. With the limited number of troops (240,000), japan has no choice but to promote the policy of 'select few'. However, the situation of Korea is much different from the situations of those countries. The Republic of Korea is facing the threat of the North Korean Army that aims at keeping a large-scale military force. In addition, the countries surrounding Korea are also super powers containing strong military forces. Therefore, to cope with the actual threat of present and unspecified threat of future, the importance of maintaining a carefully calculated large-scale military force cannot be denied. Furthermore, when considering the fact that Korea is in a peninsular, the Republic of Korea must take it into consideration the tradition of continental countries' to maintain large-scale military powers. Since the Korean War, the ROK army has developed the technology-force combined military system, maintaining proper number of troops and units and pursuing 'select few' policy at the same time. This has been promoted with the consideration of military situation in the Koran peninsular and the cooperation of ROK-US combined forces. This kind of unique military system that cannot be found in other countries can be said to be an insightful one for the preparation for the actual threat of North Korea and the conflicts between continental countries and maritime countries. In addition, this kind of technology-force combined military system has enabled us to keep peace in Korea. Therefore, it would be desirable to maintain this technology-force combined military system until the reunification of the Korean peninsular. Furthermore, it is to be pointed out that blindly following the 'select few' policy of advanced countries is not a good option, because it is ignoring the military strategic situation of the Korean peninsular. If the Republic of Korea pursues the reduction of troops and units radically without consideration of the threat of North Korea and surrounding countries, it could be a significant strategic mistake. In addition, the ROK army should keep an eye on the fact the European advanced countries and Japan that are not facing direct military threats are spending more defense expenditures than Korea. If the ROK army reduces military power without proper alternatives, it would exert a negative effect on the stable economic development of Korea and peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsular. Therefore, the desirable option would be to focus on the development of quality of forces, maintaining proper size and number of troops and units under the technology-force combined military system. The tableau above shows that the advanced countries like the UK, Germany, Italy, and Austria spend more defense expenditure per person than the Republic of Korea, although they do not face actual military threats, and that they keep achieving better economic progress than the countries that spend less defense expenditure. Therefore, it would be necessary to adopt the merits of the defense systems of those advanced countries. As we have examined, it would be desirable to maintain the current size and number of troops and units, to promote 'select few' policy with increased defense expenditure, and to strengthen the technology-force combined military system. On the basis of firm national security, the Republic of Korea can develop efficient policies for reunification and prosperity, and jump into the status of advanced countries. Therefore, the plans to reduce troops and units in [Military Reform Plan 2020] should be reexamined. If it is difficult for the ROK army to maintain its size of 655,000 troops because of low birth rate, the plans to establish the prompt mobilization force or to adopt drafting system should be considered for the maintenance of proper number of troops and units. From now on, the Republic of Korean government should develop plans to keep peace as well as to prepare unexpected changes in the Korean peninsular. For the achievement of these missions, some options can be considered. The first one is to maintain the same size of military troops and units as North Korea. The second one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea in terms of military force index. The third one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea, with the combination of the prompt mobilization force and the troops in active service under the system of technology-force combined military system. At present, it would be not possible for the ROK army to maintain such a large-size military force as North Korea (1,190,000 troops and 86 units). So it would be rational to maintain almost the same level of military force as North Korea with the combination of the troops on the active list and the prompt mobilization forces. In other words, with the combination of the troops in active service (60%) and the prompt mobilization force (40%), the ROK army should develop the strategies to harmonize technology and forces. The Korean government should also be prepared for the strategic flexibility of USFK, the possibility of American policy change about the location of foreign army, radical unexpected changes in North Korea, the emergence of potential threat, surrounding countries' demand for Korean force for the maintenance of regional stability, and demand for international cooperation against terrorism. For this, it is necessary to develop new approaches toward the proper number and size of troops and units. For instance, to prepare for radical unexpected political or military changes in North Korea, the Republic of Korea should have plans to protect a large number of refugees, to control arms and people, to maintain social security, and to keep orders in North Korea. From the experiences of other countries, it is estimated that 115,000 to 230,000 troops, plus ten thousands of police are required to stabilize the North Korean society, in the case radical unexpected military or political change happens in North Korea. In addition, if the Republic of Korea should perform the release of hostages, control of mass destruction weapons, and suppress the internal wars in North Korea, it should send 460,000 troops to North Korea. Moreover, if the Republic of Korea wants to stop the attack of North Korea and flow of refugees in DMZ area, at least 600,000 troops would be required. In sum, even if the ROK army maintains 600,000 troops, it may need additional 460,000 troops to prepare for unexpected radical changes in North Korea. For this, it is necessary to establish the prompt mobilization force whose size and number are almost the same as the troops in active service. In case the ROK army keeps 650,000 troops, the proper number of the prompt mobilization force would be 460,000 to 500,000.

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NCW환경의 보안 프레임워크 기술에서 암호통신 중계영향 분석 (The Analysis of Crypto Communication Relay Effect in the Security Framework Technique of Network Centric Warfare Environment)

  • 홍진근
    • 한국산학기술학회논문지
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    • 제8권4호
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    • pp.788-794
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    • 2007
  • 미 국방성의 정책은 NCW 개념 구현으로 방향을 이동하고 있다. NCW는 일반적으로 4개의 즉, 지휘통제, 센서 시스템, 교전시스템, 네트워크와 같은 핵심적인 상호종속적인 요소들의 통합과 동기화로 설명할 수 있다. 그러므로 한국군의 군사정책은 적용 가능한 NCW 통신환경 및 암호통신 정책에 대한 접근과 연구가 필요하다. 본 연구에서는 미국을 중심으로 추진되는 네트워크 중심 전쟁에서 보안 프레임워크를 살펴보았다. 네트워크 중심전쟁에서 고려되는 핵심 기술을 소개하였으며 이 핵심 기술인 보안 요구조건, GIG, JTRS, NCES, TCS의 보안 특성과 같은 보안 프레임워크를 고찰하고 NCW 환경에서 노드간 암호통신 중계영향을 분석하였다. 본 결과는 NCW의 다양한 암호통신 연구분야에서 환경적인 영향 요소들을 고찰하는데 도움을 제공한다.

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중국의 대 아시아 정책 (The Policy of China toward Asia)

  • 김성우
    • 융합보안논문지
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    • 제17권4호
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    • pp.63-67
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    • 2017
  • 중국의 부상으로 동아시아에서 헤게모니가 중국으로 이동하고 있다는 것은 현실화되었다. 시진핑 정부의 대외정책은 우리나라와 주변국, 전세계에 영향을 직 간접적으로 미치고 있는데 중국이 주창하는 신안보관과 실크로드 정책, 새로운 패러다임의 외교방식을 주장하고 있다. 중국은 아시아에서 새롭게 형성되는 강력한 국가로서 경제력을 이용하여 아시아 질서를 재정립하고 패권을 장악하려는 의도가 명확해지고 있다. 나아가 세계 패권에도 미국과 쌍두마차로 달리고자 하는 의도가 정치, 경제, 군사 및 외교 분야에서 나타나고 있다. 북한 핵 미사일 개발로 촉발되고 있는 한반도 위기상황을 제대로 극복하기 위해서는 우리는 한 미 일 공조와 나아가서 중국과의 관계 개선에도 최선의 노력을 경주해야 할 시점에 와 있다. 본 연구에서는 북한의 안보위협에 따른 한반도 주변의 역학관계를 벗어나 제2차세계대전 이후 냉전과 탈냉전 시기를 거치면서 중국이 구사해 온 동남아 정책에 대하여 거시적으로 분석하였다.

남중국해 중재판결 : 군사적 분쟁 고조인가 국제법적 해결의 증진인가? (PCA Ruling on SCS : Is it a Peaceful Solution or Cause of Military Tension?)

  • 양희철
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권40호
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    • pp.144-161
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    • 2016
  • A unanimous Award has been issued on 12 July 2016 by the Arbitral Tribunal constituted under Annex VII to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea in the arbitration instituted by the Republic of the Philippines against the People's Republic of China. The current security issues in the regional sea shall be carefully reflected to anticipate whether the Award could resolve the existing political conflict or rather will grow military tension in the region. The Award clearly directs the scope of delimiting maritime jurisdiction to coastal States in the Southern China sea, so it seems to help facilitating finding resolutions of regional disputes on maritime boundaries. On the other hand, there are several limitations in reality to implementation of the decisions included in the Award. USA could use the decisions to restrict military activities and exercise of unilateral maritime jurisdiction by China in the region, while China shall encounter guilt to illegitimacy of its activities as well as shaking the legal foundation of its policy in the region. Then the resolution of this dispute through application of international law would rather cause more political confusion. The intension of bringing the case to an international court were to resolve political difficulties. If, however, the political difficulties are not properly reflected in the legal decisions, such decision would possibly raise more political risks.

북한의 대외정책 기조와 전망 (The North Korea's Foreign Policy Stance and Prospect)

  • 김성우
    • 융합보안논문지
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    • 제14권6_1호
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    • pp.57-63
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    • 2014
  • 한반도는 탈냉전이라는 역사적 변화에도 불구하고 냉전적 구조가 해제되지 않고 북한의 대남도발은 계속되고 있다. 북한의 천안함 폭침과 연평도 포격도발은 파국적인 남북관계 초래와 동북아 불안정의 요인으로 작용하고 있다. 북한의 도발은 미국과 한국 및 북한 내부 요인이 북한의 의사결정체계에서 복합적으로 작용하여 군사 비군사적 수단에 의해 자행되고 있다. 북한은 한반도의 적화통일이라는 전략기조을 유지하기 때문에 공세적으로 지속될 수밖에 없을 것이다. 북한의 대외정책은 지속성과 상황에 따라 변화하는 양면성을 지니고 있다. 북한 대외정책의 목표와 이념은 비교적 일관성 있게 지속하고 있지만, 정책전개의 전략 전술과 행동 유형에서는 상당한 변화가 있다. 즉, 지속성은 곧 국가 체제유지와 국가 생존 명분의 문제이며, 변화는 지속성과 명분을 유지시키고 발전하기 위한 전술적 종속개념에 해당한다. 합리적인 시각으로 본다면 북한의 대외정책 기조는 군사력과 핵무기 개발을 생존수단으로 삼아 긴장을 조성하여 외교적, 경제적 보상을 얻는 외교방식을 과감하게 탈피하여야 하며 국제사회에 참여하여 하나의 국가로서 국제관례를 지키는 자세를 견지해야 하나 여러 가지 여건상 기존 대외정책 방향을 고수하고 있다.

상호운용성을 고려한 RMF 기반의 위험관리체계 적용 방향 (The direction of application of the RMF-based risk management system considering interoperability)

  • 권혁진;김성태;주예나
    • 인터넷정보학회논문지
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    • 제22권6호
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    • pp.83-89
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    • 2021
  • RMF(사이버보안 위험관리 프레임워크)는 지금 현재 국방영역을 넘어 미 연방정부 전체에 통용되는 보다 강화된 미 국방 사이버보안 프레임워크이다. 최근 십여년 간 미국이 접한 비정규전에 있어 사이버전이 차지하는 비율, 특히 중국과 북한으로부터 유발된 사이버공격 비중은 점점 더 증대되고 있다. 결국 미국은 범정부 차원의 보다 강화된 사이버보안 정책을 마련하고자 RMF체계를 새롭게 구축중이며, 미 국방부는 연방정부차원을 넘어 동맹국 간에도 미 국방 RMF평가 정책을 확대해 나가고자 한다. 이미 한국군도 F-35A 획득 시 RMF 적용방침을 통보한 미측 요구로 RMF를 적용한 바 있다. 한국군의 RMF적용은 더 이상 피할 수 없는 대세이다. 이제 우리군은 성공적인 한국형 RMF체계 조기 구축을 위해 무엇을 준비해야 하는지 진지하게 고민해야 할 시점이다.

군장교의 윤리적 성향과 업무환경 지각이 조직의 보안정책준수에 미치는 영향 (Effect of Military Officer's Ethical Disposition and Perceived Work Environment on Organizational Security Policy Compliance)

  • 김보라;성기수;김범수
    • 경영정보학연구
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    • 제22권3호
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    • pp.31-58
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    • 2020
  • 본 연구는 사회통제이론적 틀을 적용하여 조직구성원의 정보보안정책 준수에 영향을 미치는 변수들을 도출하고, 군 조직구성원의 정보보안 관련 태도와 의도에 영향을 미치는 요인들을 탐색한 것이다. 육군장교 195명을 대상으로 설문을 실시하여 윤리성향(도덕성, 책임감, 윤리교육의 가치)과 업무환경(상사와의 관계, 업무과다, 임금만족)이 보안정책준수태도 및 의도와 이직의도에 미치는 영향을 PLS 구조방정식 모형으로 검증하였다. 연구 결과 윤리성향 요인은 보안정책준수태도에, 업무환경요인(임금만족 제외)은 이직의도에 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 그리고 보안정책준수태도는 윤리성향과 보안정책준수의도를, 상사와의 관계와 보안정책준수의도를, 이직의도와 보안정책준수의도를 유의하게 매개하는 것으로 나타났다. 본 연구 결과는 윤리성향이 개인의 보안의식수준을 예측할 수 있는 변인이고, 보안정책준수태도가 조직 보안 맥락에서 주요한 변인임을 시사한다.

인공위성에 대한 군사적 활용 및 통제방안 (Military Use of Satellite and Control of Civil Use)

  • 강한철
    • 항공우주정책ㆍ법학회지
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    • 제20권2호
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    • pp.159-234
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    • 2005
  • 지난 걸프전과 이라크전의 예에서 볼 수 있듯이 인류의 우주 참사 및 개발과 더불어 우주기술의 군용화, 우주공간의 전장화 추세가 지속적으로 심화되고 있는 현실이다. 냉전의 마지막 전장인 동시에 세계 4대강국의 국익이 첨예하게 대립되는 한반도 상황에서 국가위가시 인공위성 등 우주자산을 신속히 활용할 수 있도록 함은 물론 우주에서부터 오는 국가안보상 위협요인에 적절히 대처할 수 있도록 하는 관련 법제의 정비가 필요함은 부언의 여지가 없다. 우주개발의 목표가 국가안전보장 있음을 선언하고 이에 관한 여러 법제도들을 정비하고 있는 미국, 일본, 중국 등 의 예에 비하여 아직 우리의 법제는 우주의 군사적 중요성을 파악하고 활용, 통제하기 위한 배려가 부족한 상황이다. 이 논문에서는 인공위성 등 우주자산의 군사적 활용과 통제라는 두가지 측면에서 우주개발선진국들의 입법례를 살피고, 현행 법제의 문제점을 개관한 후 특히 과학기술부가 발의한 우주개발기본법(안)의 내용에 유의하여, 향후 우리가 지향하여야 할 관련법제의 입법방향을 검토?제시해보고자 한다.

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