• 한국철학논집
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• 제54호
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• pp.9-42
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• 2017

한국사회의 동서 지역 갈등을 극복하는 지속적인 소통 노력은 여전히 필요한 일이다. 이러한 노력의 일환으로 과거 한국 역사에 내재한 왜곡과 갈등의 역사를 수정하는 지속적인 노력이 필요하며, 이러한 가운데 한국철학사상사 인식에서도 일반인들의 왜곡된 이해를 바로잡는 노력이 필요하다. 과거에 조선시대 한국 성리학에 대한 일반인의 이해는 학파와 지역을 연계하여 영남학파 기호학파로 양분하고, 다시 학파와 정파를 연계하여 영남학파-남인, 기호학파-서인으로 양분하여, 이 양자를 지속적인 갈등 관계로 인식하는 경향이 많다. 이러한 왜곡된 이해는 수정되어야 한다. 동서(東西) 개념과 이와 연관한 학문 분화, 정치 갈등에 내재한 오해와 과장된 갈등 구조는 수정되어야 한다. 선조때 정치권이 동서(東西) 분당(分黨)이 되었는데, 이 때의 동서는 서울 내에서의 동서 지역을 의미하며, 영남(동)과 기호(서)가 아니다. 당시의 동서 분당과 영호남 지역인의 지역 분열은 관계없는 일이다. 사실 한국 성리학을 대표하는 많은 유학자들이 학파-정파-지역을 넘어 친밀하게 교류한 사례가 많다. 조선 중기의 조식과 성운, 이황과 기대승, 이황과 이이, 노수신과 이이, 조선 후기의 정경세와 김장생, 정경세와 송준길, 조선말의 곽종석과 김복한 등 당대를 대표하는 선비들은 서로 인격 존숭과 학문 교류에 기초한 친교가 깊었다. 이들 기호 영남 인사들의 친교 사례는 조선 선비들의 인격과 학문과 정신세계의 높은 수준을 표현하고 있다. 오늘날 이러한 한국 전통의 정신적 문화적 무형 자원을 적극 활용해야 한다. 앞으로 영남(경상)-경기-호남(전라)-호서(충청) 지역의 선비들의 교류와 소통 사례를 더욱 발굴 홍보하여 영호남 화합의 정신문화적 토대로 활용해야 한다. 그 구체적 활용 방안으로는 동서 유학자들의 친교와 관계된 양 지역 지자체의 기관 교류, 공동 기념행사, 양 지역 유학자들의 명가(名家) 교류, 양 지역 박물관의 동서 화합 특별전 개최, 지역 축제 공동 개최, 공동 문화 프로그램 운영, 양 지역의 서원교류 등 선현들의 교류를 홍보하고 공동 사업으로 활용해야 한다.

• 한국심리학회지:학교
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• 제16권3호
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• pp.471-499
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• 2019

본 연구의 목적은 비행 청소년의 비행 행동을 감소시키고 사회적 문제해결 기술, 정서조절 능력, 자기 통제능력을 향상시키기 위한 프로그램을 개발하여 그 프로그램의 효과를 검증하는 것이다. 본 연구에서는 인지행동치료의 치료 구성요소들을 롤플레잉게임(Role Playing Game)의 형식으로 구성하여 치료 효과 뿐 아니라 프로그램 참여 동기를 향상시킬 수 있는 프로그램을 개발하였다. 본 연구의 대상은 서울과 경기도 소재의 중학교에서 비행 문제로 의뢰된 36명의 청소년들과 이들의 담임교사 18명이었다. 청소년들은 각각 실험집단과 비교집단에 무선 배정되었고 담임교사 역시 청소년들의 무선 배정에 의해 함께 무선 배정되었다. 실험집단에는 RPG형식 인지행동 집단치료 프로그램이 수행되었고 비교집단에는 문제해결 기술 집단치료 프로그램이 수행되었다. RPG형식 인지 행동 집단치료 프로그램에 할당된 담임교사에게는 매 회기 후에 청소년 지도와 관련된 교사 교육을 실시하였다. 문제해결 기술 집단치료 프로그램에 할당된 담임교사는 교사 교육을 받지 않고 사후 및 추후 측정에만 관여하였다. 치료 효과를 알아보기 위해 비행행동, 사회적 문제해결 기술, 정서조절, 자기 통제 수준을 사전, 사후, 추후(두 달 후)에 측정하였다. 연구 결과 사후 검사에서 실험집단의 비행행동은 비교집단에 비해 통계적으로 유의미하게 감소되었고 사회적 문제해결 기술, 정서조절 능력, 자기 통제력은 비교집단에 비해 통계적으로 유의미하게 증가되었다. 프로그램이 종결된 시점에서 한 달이 지난 후에 재측정을 했을 때에도 비행 행동, 사회적 문제해결 기술, 정서조절 능력 및 자기 통제력 수준이 모두 사후 평가 때와 유사한 수준으로 유지되었다. 더불어 실험집단은 비교집단에 비해 통계적으로 유의미한 수준에서 높은 프로그램 만족도를 보고하였다. 본 연구의 결과는 RPG 형식의 인지행동 집단치료 프로그램이 청소년들의 비행 문제 감소 및 비행 문제 감소와 관련된 기술 및 전략의 향상에 효과적이면서도 비행 청소년들이 흥미를 갖고 참여할 수 있는 집단치료 프로그램임을 보여준다.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• 동국한의학연구소논문집
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• 제10권
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• 농촌의학ㆍ지역보건
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• 제8권1호
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• pp.66-80
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• 1983

As a part of the epidemiological studies of clonorchiasis in Korea, this study was conducted to evaluate the current endemicity and the natural transition of the Clonorchis infection in Goyang Gun a low endemic area in recent years, prior to the introduction of praziquantel which will eventually influence to the status of the prevalence. The data obtained in this study in 1983 were evaluated for natural transition of the infection in comparison with those obtained 16 years ago in 1967 by the author (Kim, 1974). The areas of investigation, villages and schools surveyed, methods and techniques used in this study were the same as in 1967, except for the contents of the questionnaire for raw freshwater fish consumption by the local inhabitants. 1) The current prevalence rate of Clonorchis infection among the inhabitants was 7.5% on the average out of a total of 479 persons examined. The prevalence rate was 9.0% in the riverside area and 4.2% in the inland area. Among the schoolchildren, the prevalence rate was 1.1% out of a total of 1 319 examined. By area, it was 1.4% in the riverside area and 0.7% in the inland area. By sex, the prevalence rate was 13.3% in the male and 1.3% in the female in the inhabitants and no difference was seen in the schoolchildren. 2) In the natural transition of the infection, the prevalence rate in the inhabitants has decreased from 22.5% in 1967 to 7.5% in 1983, and in the schoolchildren, from 9.5% in 1967 to 1.1% in 1983. The reduction rate was higher in the riverside area than in the inland area. 3) In the prevalence rate by age, 1.2% was seen in the 10-14 age group and gradually increased to 8.1% in the 30-39 age group and reached peak 18.1% in the 40-49 age group. By sex, in the male, the prevalence rates have increased to 31.9% and 33.3% in the 40-49 and 50-59 age groups, respectively and decreased thereafter. In the female, the prevalence rate less than 5% was seen only in between the 10-14 and 30-39 age groups. 4) In the natural transition of the prevalence rate by age, sharp decrease was seen in the male from around 50% in 1967 between 15-19 and 30-39 age groups. The generation over 40s showed less decrease. In the female, the prevalence rate has decreased from 13% in 1967 to 5% in 1983 in the middle age groups and dropped to 0% in the rest of the age groups. 5) The intensity of the infection among clonorchiasis cases by mean EPmg (number of eggs per mg feces) value was 1.4. In the inhabitants, the value was 2.0 in the riverside area and 0.4 in the inland area. While in the schoolchildren, the value was 0.2 in both riverside and inland areas. 6) In the transition of the intensity of the infection, EPmg among the inhabitants has decreased from 3.9 in 1967 to 2.0 in 1983 in the riverside area, and from 2.9 to 0.4 in the inland area. In the schoolchildren, the reduction was similar in both riverside and inland areas resulting from 1.0-1.1 in 1967 to 0.2 in 1983. 7) In the intensity of the infection by age, EPmg 3.4 was peak at the 40-49 age group and 0.2-1.0 was seen in the rest of the age groups. The mean value was 1.5 in the male and 0.6 in the female. 8) In the natural transition of the intensity of the infection, the EPmg has decreased from 2.7 in 1967 to 1.4 in 1983. By age, reduction was seen in all of the age groups, particularly in the young and the old age groups of 50s and over, except in the 40-49 age group in which reverse phenomenon was seen. By sex, it has decreased from 3.5 in 1967 to 1.5 in 1983 in the male and from 1.0 to 0.6 in the female. 9) In the distribution of the clonorchiasis cases by the range of EPmg value, 70.3% of the cases were placed in the range of 0.1-0.9 as the most and 16.2% in 1.0-4.9 as the next. With such figures, those included in the range less than 0.9 as light infection were 78.4% and under 5.0-9.9 up to moderate infection 99.3% of the cases were covered. The cases were distributed up to 20.0-39.9 in the male and to 1.0-4.9 in the female. 10) In the transition of the distribution of the clonorchiasis cases by EPmg, the highest intensity reached up to 60.0-79.9 in 1967 and to 20.0-39.9 in 1983. In the range of light infection, under 0.1-0.9, the distribution in rate was 64.5% in 1967 and 78.4% in 1983. Up to the range of moderate infection, under 5.0-9.9, 91.7% in 1967 and 97.3% in 1983 were seen respectively. 11) In a survey for raw freshwater fish consumption among the local inhabitants,78.3 of the clonorchiasis cases interviewed admitted their experience of the raw consumption. However, those who practised in the past two years were 34.8% 55.6% of those who have such experience in the past professed that they did not practise raw freshwater fish consumption in the past two years. 12) The major cause of the reduction of the raw freshwater fish consumption among the inhabitants were the wide spread water pollution in the locality. The most common reason professed for stopping raw freshwater fish consumption among the inhabitants was the risk of the fluke infection. 13) In animal survey, 3.1% of dogs were found infected with Clonorchis, decreasing from 21.6% in 1967. 14) The distribution of the first intermediate host, Parafossarulus manchouricus has greatly diminished in this locality and found only in two localized ponds. No Clonorchis infection was found from the snails examined. 15) The second intermediate freshwater fish host has been further limited by extended water pollution. No susceptible fish host could be examined. 16) In conclusion, the endemicity of Clonorchis infection in Croyang Gun, low endemic area, has significantly decreased during the past 16 years. The major cause of the regressive transition of the infection was the water pollution of the freshwater system of this locality. This has upset the ecosystems of the intermediate host of Clonorchis sinensis in many areas of waterbodies and further discouraged to a significant extent the local inhabitants from raw freshwater fish consumption.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• 제48권6호
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• pp.558-570
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• 2015

정규직 및 비정규직 학교급식 영양(교)사들의 근무환경, 급식환경 및 직무 수행도를 비교하고, 이들 근무환경 및 급식환경의 변수들이 정규직 및 비정규직 영양(교)사의 직무수행도에 끼치는 영향을 살펴보고자 한 본 연구의 결과를 요약하면 다음과 같았다. 1. 대전 충남 지역의 학교영양사 415명을 대상으로 실시된 본 연구에서 정규직 영양교사는 223명, 비정규직 영양사는 192명이었으며, 정규직 영양교사의 60%는 36~40세, 비정규직 영양사는 25세 이하를 제외하고 전 연령층에 골고루 분포하였다. 정규직 영양사 모두 4년제 이상의 학력을 가지고 있었고, 비정규직 영양사의 석사이상 학력자는 정규직 영양교사보다 많았다. 2. 정규직 영양교사는 초등학교에서의 근무비율이 높았고, 비정규직 영양사는 초등학교와 중학교에서의 근무비율이 비슷하였다. 정규직 영양교사는 비정규직 영양사보다 근무시간이 더 길었고, 11년 이상 장기근무자가 더 많았으며 연봉도 더 많았다. 3. 급식수가 400인 이하는 비정규직 영양사가 많았으나, 1,200인 이상은 정규직 영양사가 많았다. 정규직 영양교사는 비정규직 영양사 보다 급식년수가 10년 이상 된 학교에서 더 많이 근무하였다. 종업원 수가 5인 이하인 경우는 비정규직 영양사가 더 많았으나, 종업원 수 6~10인은 정규직 영양사가 더 많았다. 4. 급식생산 관련 5개 직무영역의 직무수행도에서 식단(영양)관리 영역에서는 5개 모든 세부직무가. 구매 및 저장관리에서는 2개 세부직무가, 생산 및 배식관리 영역에서는 4개 모든 세부직무가, 퇴식관리 영역에서는 1개 세부직무가, 급식시설 및 기기관리 영역에서는 1개 세부직무가 정규직 영양교사에서 비정규직 영양사보다 유의적으로 높았다. 5. 급식경영 영역의 3개 세부직무에서, 노무관리 영역에서는 1개 세부직무에서, 기타직무에서는 3개 세부직무에서 정규직 영양교사의 직무수행도가 비정규직 영양사보다 높았다. 위생관리 영역은 정규직 및 비정규직 학교영양사 간에 직무수행도에 차이가 없었다. 6. 식생활지도 영역은 5개 모든 세부직무에서, 영양교육영역은 5개 중 2개 세부직무에서 정규직 영양교사의 직무수행도가 비정규직 영양사에서 보다 높았다. 영양상담 영역의 직무수행도는 두 군간에 유의적인 차이가 없었다. 7. 학교영양사의 12개 직무영역의 평균 직무수행도 중 5개 직무영역에서 정규직 영양교사의 직무수행도가 비정규직 영양사 보다 유의적으로 높았다. 기타직무가 가장 큰 유의적인 차이를 나타냈고, 그 다음 식생활 지도, 식단관리, 급식경영관리, 생산 및 배식관리의 순이었다. 직무수행도가 가장 낮았던 직무는 두 군 모두 영양상담과 영양교육이었다. 8. 정규직 영양교사는 1일 급식횟수가 많을수록, 급식수가 많을수록, 종업원 수가 많을수록, 고등학교에서 근무할 수록 기타직무와 식생활지도 영역의 직무수행도가 낮아지는 경향이었고, 연령이 낮을수록 학력이 높을수록 구매 및 저장관리의 직무수행도가 높아졌으며, 연봉이 높을수록 식단관리의 직무수행도가 높은 편이었고, 반대로 노무관리의 직무수행도는 낮았다. 종업원의 수가 많을수록 특히 급식경영관리의 직무수행도가 높았다. 9. 비정규직 영양사의 연령이 낮을수록, 근무년수가 짧을수록, 1일 급식횟수가 적을수록, 급식수가 적을수록, 종업원 수가 적을수록, 근무학교의 급식년수가 길수록, 초등학교일수록 기타직무의 수행도가 높았다. 비정규직 영양사의 퇴식관리의 직무수행도는 근무시간이 짧을수록, 1일 급식횟수가 적을수록, 급식수가 적을수록 높아졌다. 위생관리의 직무수행도는 비정규직 영양사의 학력이 높을수록, 급식수가 많을수록, 종업원의 수가 많을수록 높아졌다. 구매 및 저장관리의 직무수행도는 특히 비정규직 영양사의 학력이 낮을수록 높아졌고, 식생활지도의 직무수행도는 초등학교에서 근무하는 영양사에서 높았다. 영양상담직무의 수행도는 급식수가 증가할수록 증가하였다. 결론적으로 본 연구결과 정규직 영양교사와 비정규직 영양사의 일반사항, 근무 및 급식환?을 나타내는 14개 변수 모두에서 정규직 영양교사와 비정구직 영양사간에 유의적인 차이를 나타냈다. 57개 세부직무들 중 1개 세부직무를 제회한 26개 세부직무에서, 12개 직무영역 중 5개 직무영역에서 정규직 영양교사의 직무수행도가 비정규직 영양사의 경우보다 유의적으로 높았다. 일반사항, 근무 및 급식환경 변수들과 학교 영양교사의 직무수행도와의 회귀분석에서도 정규직 영양교사와 비정규직 영양사의 직무수행도에 대한 영향변수와 상관성이 각기 다르게 분석되고 있었다. 현재 한국의 학교급식 영양사의 51%를 차지하는 비정규직 영양사의 직무수행도는 정규직 영양교사의 직무수행도보다 유의적으로 낮았고 따라서 이러한 조건들은 학교급식의 양적 질적 차이를 만들어낼 수 있다. 그러므로 51%에 달하는 비정규직 영양사의 고용안정화 확대를 통한 처우 개선이 시급히 이루어져야 할 것이며 이는 결과적으로 학교영양사들의 직무수행도의 향상을 통해 학교급식의 품질 향상을 가져올 것이며 이로써 학생들의 신체적 정신적 건강 향상이 이루어져 궁극적으로는 국민전체의 건강증진과 복지국가 실현을 앞당길 수 있으리라 사료되었다.

• Pediatric Infection and Vaccine
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• 제5권1호
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• pp.128-135
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• 1998

목 적 : MMR백신의 예방접종에도 불구하고 우리나라에는 홍역, 볼거리, 풍진의 유행이 아직도 지속되고 있고, 풍진의 경우 이환 연령군의 증가와 집단적, 지역적인 유행이 보고되고 있으나 원인은 아직 밝혀지지 않았다. 이에 저자들은 우리나라 청소년의 연령 증가에 따른 볼거리 및 풍진 항체 보유 실태에 관한 기본적인 자료를 얻고자 다음의 연구를 시행하였다. 대상 및 방법 : 1996년 5월부터 1996년 7월까지 3개월간 서울시내의 중학교 1개교 및 고등학교 2개교 학생들을 대상으로 ELISA를 이용하여 볼거리 및 풍진 특이 IgG 항체를 측정하였다. 양성 기준치는 정해진 검사 방법에 따라 볼거리 항체는 20 GU(Gamma Unit; 임의의 단위) 이상으로 하였으며 풍진항체는 0.17 이상으로 하였다. 결 과 : 1) 대상자는 12세에서 17세까지 남아 110명, 여아 106명으로 총 216명이었다. 2) 연령에 따른 볼거리항체 양성율은 12세 68.4%, 13세 79.3%, 14세 72.2%, 15세 82.0%, 16세 87.5%, 17세 87.0%로 전체적으로는 80.6%였으며, 14세군(P<0.05)을 제외하고는 남녀간에 유의한 차이는 없었고, 연령군간의 유의한 차이는 없었다. 3) 볼거리 항체가(평균${\pm}$표준편차, GU)는 12세 $52.0{\pm}49.2$, 13세 $65.9{\pm}51.4$, 14세 $71.1{\pm}66.0$, 15세 $67.8{\pm}53.6$, 16세 $82.8{\pm}67.8$, 17세 $92.0{\pm}68.9$였으며 연령군간의 유의한 차이는 없었고, 연령의 증가에 따라 항체가가 증가하는 추세를 보였으나 유의성은 없었다. 4) 연령에 따른 풍진 항체 양성율은 12세 26.3%, 13세 20.7%, 14세 50.0%, 15세 67.2%, 16세 66.7%, 17세 65.2%로 전체적으로 54.2%의 양성율을 보였고 연령에 따라 유의하게 증가 하였으며(P<0.001), 성별에 따른 차이는 없었고, 13세에서 14세사이(P<0.05)를 제외하고는 연령군별간에 유의한 차이는 없었다. 5) 풍진 항체가(평균${\pm}$표준편차)는 12세 $0.13{\pm}0.145$, 13세 $0.087{\pm}0.101$, 14세 $0.194{\pm}0.168$, 15세 $0.260{\pm}0.187$, 16세 $0.305{\pm}0.213$, 17세 $0.325{\pm}0.221$로 13세에 최저치를 보이고 이후는 연령의 증가에 따라 유의하게 증가하였으며(P<0.001), 풍진 항체가=0.0517${\times}$연령-0.5586의 비례관계를 보였다(r=0.3752, P<0.001). 결 론 : 청소년기의 볼거리 항체 양성율과 항체가는 전체적으로 높은 수준을 보였으나 대상군중 약 20%는 항체 음성을 보였다. 풍진의 경우 13세까지는 매우 낮은 항체양성율을 보이다가 14세 이후 점진적으로 증가하였으며 이러한 항체가의 변동 원인에 대한 연구가 필요할 것으로 생각된다.