• Speech Sciences
• /
• v.14 no.3
• /
• pp.7-19
• /
• 2007

The present study investigated some phonetic attributes which distinguish two Korean stop types $^-aspirated$ and $lax^-$ in a prosodic position which has previously received little attention, namely medial in an accentual phrase. The intonational pattern across syllables which are initial in an accentual phrase (Jun, 1993) is said to depend on the type of stop (aspirated or lax), while that of syllables which are medial in an accentual phrase are not. In Experiment 1, nine native Korean speakers read sentences with a controlled prosodic pattern in which aspirated or lax stops occurred in accentual phrase-medial position. Acoustic analysis revealed significant differences between aspirated and lax stops in closure duration, voice-onset time, and fundamental frequency (F0) values for post-stop vowels. The results indicate that a wider range of acoustic cues distinguish aspirated and lax Korean stops than previously demonstrated. Phonetic and phonological models of consonant-tone interactions for Korean will need to be revised to account for these results.

• Speech Sciences
• /
• v.14 no.4
• /
• pp.25-39
• /
• 2007

The present study investigated some perceptual phonetic attributes of two Korean stop types, aspirated and lax, in medial position of an accentual phrase. The intonational pattern across syllables (Jun, 1993) is argued to depend on the type of stop (aspirated vs. lax) only in the initial position of an accentual phrase. In Kang & Dilley (2007), we showed that significant differences between aspirated and lax stops in medial position of an accentual phrase exist in closure duration, voice-onset time, and fundamental frequency (F0) values for post-stop vowels. In the present perception experiment, we investigated whether these phonetic attributes contribute to the perception of these two types of stops: The closure durations and/or F0's of post-stop vowels on accentual-phrase medial words were altered and twenty native Korean speakers then judged these words as beginning with an aspirated or lax stop. Both closure duration and F0 significantly affected judgments of stop identity. These results indicate that a wider range of acoustic cues that distinguish aspirated and lax Korean stops in production also plays a role in perception. To account for these results we suggest some phonetic and phonological models of consonant-tone interactions for Korean.

• The Journal of the Acoustical Society of Korea
• /
• v.18 no.7
• /
• pp.85-91
• /
• 1999

The purpose of this study is to investigate phonetic realization of flap [r], one of the allophones of Korean /l/. Phonetic realization of a segment is affected by not only its neighboring segments but also its prosodic position in an utterance. This study examined how various prosodic positions affect the phonetic realization of [r]. Effects of the four prosodic positions on the phonetic realization of [r] were examined: utterance initial, Intonation Phrase initial, Accentual Phrase initial, and Accentual Medial positions. Word positional effect was also examined: word initial, medial, and final positions. Acoustic and statistical analyses showed that flap [r] was realized in a variety of phonetic forms: from sonorant(the most reduced form) to short stop(the least reduced form). It was shown that generally. word-initial position is stronger than word-medial position. It was also shown that in many cases, utterance-initial position and intonation-phrase-initial position are stronger than accentual-phrase-initial and accentual-phrase-medial positions. Sonorants were observed more often in the prosodically weaker portions. VOT duration was also shorter in accentual-phrase-initial and accentual-phrase-medial positions.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
• /
• v.9 no.3
• /
• pp.17-23
• /
• 2017

The present study investigates the effect of Accentual Phrase on F0 using a subset of large-scale corpus of Seoul Korean. Four syllable words which were neither preceded nor followed by silent pauses were presumed to be canonical exemplars of Accentual Phrases in Korean. These four syllable words were extracted from female speakers' speech samples. Growth curve analyses, combination of regression and polynomial curve fitting, were applied to the four syllable words. Four syllable words were divided into four groups depending on the categorical status of the initial segment: voiceless obstruents, voiced obstruents, sonorants, and vowels. Results of growth curve analyses indicate that initial segment types have an effect on the F0 (in semitone) in the nucleus of the initial syllable, and the cubic polynomial term revealed that some of the medial low tones in the 4 syllable words may be guided by the principle of contrast maximization, while others may be governed by the principle of ease of articulation.

• MALSORI
• /
• no.39
• /
• pp.15-24
• /
• 2000

This study aims to reexamine Korean Lenis Stop Voicing (henceforth, LSV) and to specify its phonetic conditions in phonetic terms. LSV optionally occurs within certain prosodic domains. They are called 'Malthomak'(Lee, 1996),'phonological phrase'(Kang, 1992), or 'accentual phrase'(Jun, 1993). On the basis of Jun's phrasing, this study focuses on the more specific phonetic conditions of LSV in the accentual phrase medial position, sub-classifying voicing as complete and partial. The results shows that whether the stops become completely voiced or partially voiced was determined by the various phonetic environments, such as adjacent segments and following intonational phrase boundaries. It is shown that the conditions of LSV should be described in terms of more detailed phonetic environments and that they could be used in predicting the class of voicing.

• Speech Sciences
• /
• v.10 no.3
• /
• pp.89-101
• /
• 2003

This paper investigates edge effects on the relationship between the underlying tonal sequence and its surface realization in the IP-final Accentual Phrase within the Optimality Theoretic framework. I will examine the way in which AP tones are aligned with their associated syllables in IP-final position. In Korean. Jun's (1996) 'see-saw effect' does not allow any two identical tones if they are marking a boundary of a prosodic group. A phonetic experiment conducted in this paper suggests that the 'see-saw effect' only apply to H boundary tones. Furthermore, it will be shown that the timing of tonal peaks is determined through the ranking of a set of violable constraints. The AP tonal realization is achieved through the access to the global intonation in a complicated way. In the course of discussion, pitch patterns in IP-medial Accentual Phrase will also be discussed.