• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.19
• /
• pp.239-264
• /
• 2002

The networking between the press and elites, and its impact on journalistic activities in fact have been major subjects of scholarly scrutiny particularly among students of elite theory and class theory. This is an empirical analysis of how the press establishes networks with several powers in local community. This study basically examines a set of independent variables, such as the nature of capital and history of local newspapers and explores how the management and elites in the press utilize several social resources and establish networks. Major findings of this study are as follows: To begin with, the networking between local newspapers and elites showes significant differences according to the nature of capital and history of the newspaper. In other words, while the newspapers operated by stock capital revealed high degree of networking with political and financial elites, the newspapers operated by family capital did not demonstrate significant level of networking with particular elites. The shorter the history of newspaper is, the more she tends to be dependent on resources, and feel it imperative to establish strong networks with elites.

• Proceedings of the KGS Conference
• /
• 2005.05a
• /
• pp.132-133
• /
• 2005

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• v.10 no.2
• /
• pp.35-40
• /
• 2011

The recent listing of Preah Vihear Temple as a World Heritage Site has awakened a longtime simmering border dispute between Thailand and Cambodia over a few square kilometers surrounding the ancient Khmer Temple. While the listing of the site by UNESCO was expected to revive the economy of the impoverished border towns near the temple due to the increased tourism and funding for the preservation of the archeological site, it has had the opposite effect due to the sharp increase in violent conflict carried out by the armed forces and nationalist activists from both sides. Military skirmishes and violent protests have brought the local economy to a halt in addition to causing considerable physical damage to the local infrastructure and to the local transnational network of ethnic Kui, local business owners, Khmer and Thai villagers. This paper shows how the dispute is viewed and undertaken by three distinct communities involved in the conflict, the militaries, the metropolitan political elites and activists, and the local villagers. The three communities represent three different cultures of conflict with different interests and most importantly with differential access to the media and official representations of the dispute.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
• /
• v.17 no.5
• /
• pp.568-581
• /
• 2011

Having gone through the international financial crisis in 1997, the Korean government has sought a new future economic breakthrough. In this line, the government chose the cultural contents business and has supported this area intensively. With the cultural contents promotion policy initiated to foster the world-class culture business based on the traditional Korean culture, Andong, which has diverse cultural traditions, was rediscovered. The Andong local government and the local power elites decided that this promotion policy can not only be an opportunity to invigorate the sluggish local economy, but also help eliminate the old-fashioned image of Andong, and thus actively promoted the cultural contents business. However, there's a conflict among the local elites over which cultural tradition should be chosen as a genuine local cultural tradition. The different views and efforts regarding the cultural identity of the region by each entity not only contributed significantly to the recovery of the local economy by revitalizing tourism, but also helped the region gain an advantageous position in competition with other regions over limited resources. This progress became the groundwork for attracting major institutions and facilities, which are essential for the revitalization of the local economy.

• Journal of the Institute of Electronics Engineers of Korea CI
• /
• v.41 no.4
• /
• pp.67-72
• /
• 2004

This paper proposes a method improving the convergence speed of optimal solution for parallel genetic algorithm in the network based client-server model. Unlike the existing methods of obtaining global elite only by evaluating local elites in server, the proposed method obtains it by evaluating local elites and improving its fitness by applying genetic algorithm during idle time of the server. By using the improved chromosome in server for the client's genetic algorithm processing, the convergence speed of the optimal solution is increased. The improvement of fitness at the server during the interval of chromosome migration is (equation omitted)(F$_{max}$(g)-F$_{max}$(g-1)), whole F$_{max}$(g) is a max fitness of the g-th generation and G is the number of improved generation by the server. As the number of clients increases and G decreases, the improvement of fitness goes down. However the improvement of fitness is better than existing methods..

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.23 no.1
• /
• pp.1-44
• /
• 2013

This study examined the constitutional engineering of the Philippine democracy in terms of power sharing and accountability, and the effectiveness and stability of the Philippine democracy as a result were assessed. Based on the analysis, the nature of the present Philippine democratic system since 1986 was brought to light. This study argues that the system of power sharing between the President and the congress in the Philippines tends to serve for negotiating political interests among the power elites rather than functioning in a constructive way. And the public accountability system is not functioning as it was designed to do. Due to the defects the Philippine democracy continuously suffers the lack of political effectiveness and stability. Despite of the problem, the reason not to break down the system would be the fact that the system served for the oligarchic power elites to circulate and recreate the political power exclusively. The direction of the Philippine constitutional engineering should be weakening the present traditional elite dominated political system, and strengthening the chances of political participation from the various classes. Some concerned people suggested the constitutional change to parliamentary system in order to strengthening party politics, and federal system to cope with the problems of regional conflicts, but such efforts failed repeatedly due to the conflict of political interests. Considering the present circumstance, it would be advisable to reform political party law and election system in the direction of strengthening political party system, and to expand the scope of local government system in the direction of devolving the centralized political power.

• Acta Via Serica
• /
• v.8 no.2
• /
• pp.95-124
• /
• 2023

Over the past 30 years, intense archaeological research has revealed a great increase in regional and transregional object mobility across the South China Sea during its Iron Age (500 BCE to 500 CE). Some objects had moved from a long distance: intaglios, seals, fine ceramic, glass containers, and gold coins of Mediterranean origin; and large bronzes, mirrors, and lacquerware connected to central East Asia. This evidence has given rise to larger-scale explanations, among which the most prominent has been the growth of (maritime) Silk Road trade. Scholars are divided as to whether the Silk Road is a suitable concept, with some emphasizing its orientalist overtones and colonial baggage and others finding it useful for the investigation of interregional networks trading in silk and other commodities. This paper explores how productive the Silk Road concept or metaphor really is for understanding transregional connectivity and social change in Iron Age Southeast Asia.

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
• /
• v.16 no.3
• /
• pp.45-52
• /
• 2010

This study aims to discuss the establishment and development of the Qiantang Medical School(錢塘醫派) represented by Zhang Zhicong(張志聰) via focusing on an academy of Chinese medicine named L$\"{u}$shantang(侶山堂). The teaching method in L$\"{u}$shantang(侶山堂) displays a representative feature of the Qiantang Medical School(錢塘醫派), but the foundation of the method consisting of lectures and discussions had already been laid by Lu Zhiyi(盧之頤) during the Ming-Qing transition period. The tradition was succeeded by Zhong Xuelu(仲學輅) in the Hangyuan Medical Board(杭垣醫局) even after L$\"{u}$shantang(侶山堂) was burnt down during a war taken place under the Qianlong(乾隆) period. That the function and the role of the local Confucian academies, which had been focused on the discussion of Confucian classics and local issues, were changed to adopt the education of medicine which had been treated as a lesser subject may be interpreted as a gradual change in the social perception of medicine. The change in the function of the Confucian academies combined with the tendency in which the literati elites of the period left the Confucian philosophy for medicine presents one of many examples showing the changes occurred during the Ming-Qing transition period. The education of medicine provided by the Confucian academies is regarded historically significant in that it was offered by ordinary civilians rather than the government before the formal school education system was established in the modern period. This educational tradition played an important role in bridging the Chinese medicine in the medieval times with that in the modern period.

• Journal of Daesoon Thought and the Religions of East Asia
• /
• v.2 no.2
• /
• pp.73-99
• /
• 2023

The dragon is a special imaginary figure created by the people of East Asia. Its archetypes appeared primarily as totemic symbols of different tribes and groups in the region. The formation of early dynasties probably generated the molding of the dragon symbol. Dragon symbols carried deep imprints of nature. They concealed alternative messages of how ancient people at different locations dealt with or interacted with nature. Under pressure to standardize in the medieval and late imperial periods, the popular dragon had to transform physically and ideologically. It became imposed, unified, and framed, conveying ideas of caste classification and power, and losing itsecological implications. The dragon transitioned from a semi-ecological domain into a total social caste system. However, many people considered the "standardized" dragon as the symbol of the oppressor. Because of continuous orthopraxy and calls for imperial reverence, especially under orthopractic agenda and the surveillance of local elites, the popularized dragon was imbued within local artworks or hidden under the sanctity of Buddhas or popular gods in order to survive. Through disguise, the popular dragon partially maintained its ecological narratives. When the imperial dynasties ended in East Asia (1910 in Korea, 1911 in China, 1945 in Vietnam), the dragon was dramatically decentralized. However, trends of re-standardization and re-centralization have emerged recently in China, as the country rises in the global arena. In this newly-emerging "re-orthopraxy", the dragon has been superimposed with a more externally political discourse ("soft power" in international relations) rather than the old-style standardization for internal centralization in the late imperial period. In the contemporary world, science and technology have advanced humanity's ability to improve the world; however, it seems that people have abused science and technology to control nature, consequently damaging the environment (pollution, global warming, etc.). The dragon symbol needs to be re-defined, "re-molded", re-evaluated and reinterpreted accordingly, especially under the newly-emerging lens-the New Confucian "anthropocosmic" view.

• Analyses & Alternatives
• /
• v.8 no.1
• /
• pp.169-196
• /
• 2024

In the House of the Parliament of Kazakhstan, which members are re-elected several times, while others are only first-term? Existing studies on the Kazakhstan political elites have mainly discussed the effect of clans on the appointment or replacement of elites. These studies have contributed to explaining the characteristics of Kazakhstan's clientelistic political structure, but the analysis of the relationship between political background and elite appointment or replacement is very poor. The purpose of this study is to analyze what characteristics of members have continuity in the 4th to 8th House of the Parliament of Kazakhstan. As a result, members with activities in Communist Party of the Soviet Union had a higher average seniority than those who did not in the 4th, 6th, and 7th House of the Parliament. And Nur Otan members had a higher average seniority than those who did not in 4th and 5th House of the Parliament. On the other hand, there was no difference in average seniority by local political experience, and the difference by elite type was only partially found in the 6th House of the Parliament. These results reflect the president's strategy for parliamentary control in that the parliament is used as a means of solidifying Kazakhstan's political regime as an authoritarian state. The significance of this study is that for the first time it empirically proved who sustains political survival in the House of the Parliament of Kazakhstan.