• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.1
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• pp.109-144
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• 2003

Orientalness is a concept that expresses the collective identity of the Orient in relation to the West. The concept itself is mutable and defined by the relationship between the two regions at different points in time. Changes in the concept depend on a number of factors, such as cultural influence, the political balance of power between the two regions, and on the interpretative scheme that defines the relationship. In addition, the geographical notion of the concept evolves culturally, socially and politically. During this process, Oriental-ness becomes Oriental-ism at times. I will attempt to survey and measure the progression of Orientalness from its emergence in early 17th century to its subsequent transformation in modern Korea as reflected in art theory and art works. The recognition of the comparative characteristics of Oriental art began when the Orient was exposed to the art of the West in the late Ming dynasty during the early 17th century. The changes in the artistic climate in China affected the late Chosun. I will start with a brief introduction of this time and the birth of Orientalness. The concept gradually changed during the period of Enlightenment(開化期) towards the end of the 19th century, and during the colonial period( 1910-1945) it took on a new form. Establishment of the concept of "Orient"as a single, unifying concept spanning across cultures and national boundaries has been attributed to late Meiji period Japan, whose intention at that time is believed to have been to build a pan-Asia(亞細亞) empire with Japan at its commanding center. It has been stressed that the real motive behind the formation of one single cultural unit, where the shared common written language was Chinese and Confucianism and Taoism were the common metaphysical traditions, was to build one political unit. When the notion of a geographical unit of Asia was replaced by the concept of Asia as a cultural and political unit, a massive growth of interest and discourse were provoked around the concept of Orientalism. When Orientalism was being formulated, Korea automatically became member of "one Asia" when the country became colonized. For Koreans, the identity of the Orient had to be defined in cultural terms, as the political notion of a nation was non-existent at that time. The definition of identity was pursued at two levels, pan-Asian and local. If Orientalism was an elite discourse centered in pan-Asian philosophical and religious tradition, localized Orientalism was a popular discourse emphasizing locality as the byproduct of natural geographic condition. After the liberation in 1945 from colonial rule, a thrust of movement arose towards political nationalism. Two types of discourses on Orientalism, elite and popular, continued as central themes in art. Despite the effort to redefine the national identity by eradicating the cultural language of the colonial past, the past was enduring well into the present time. As discussed above, even when the painting themes were selected from Korean history, the tradition of using history painting as a manifestation of political policy to glorify the local identity had its founding during the Meiji period. The elevation of folk art to the level of high art also goes back to the colonial promotion of local color and local sentiment. Again, the succession of the past (colonial) ideal was defended as the tradition assumed a distinct modern shape that was abstract in style. The concept of the "Orient" is of relative and changing nature. It was formulated in relation to Western culture or civilization. Whatever the real motive of the adoption of them had been, the superiority of the Orient was emphasized at all times. The essence of the Orient was always perceived as the metaphysical tradition as a way to downgrade Western culture as materialistic. This view still prevails and the principle of Orient was always sought in Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. Even when Orientalism was employed by imperialist Japan in an effort to establish her position as the center of the Orient, the spiritual source was still in Chinese philosophy and religion. In art also, the Chinese literati tradition became the major platform for elite discourse. Orientalism was also defined locally, and the so-called local color was pursued in terms of theme and style. Thus trend continued despite the effort to eradicate the remnants of colonial culture long after liberation. These efforts are now being supported politically and also institutionalized to become the aesthetic ideal of the modern Korean art.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.65-75
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• 2015

The findings of basic study on the awareness of falls in terms of Gwanpokdo(Paintings of Viewing Falls) were drawn as follows. First, there is a difference in an esthetic sense that water brings depending on the ratio of falls, and Gwanpokdo(Fall Landscape) in which falls take up more than 20% of the canvas focuses more on falls so that it brings about the awareness of landscape through direct communication with nature. Second, the diagonal composition of the canvas has symmetry between falls and a person viewing the falls, which makes view point even clear. In addition, margins of the canvas were missing due to the effect of True-View Landscape Painting during the late Joseon Dynasty, and overall composition of using the entire canvas became popular. This overall composition is stable and disposed with lopsided composition, so this heightens sense of balance and the meaning of falls. Third, Gwanpokdo(Paintings of Viewing Falls) of Josoen Dynasty showed various types of viewing falls in distant view, but as the distance between falls and persons got closer in the latter part of Joseon Dynasty, falls were no longer utopia but it expressed a sense of beauty and aesthetic contemplation through direct communication with real nature. Fourth, Gwanpokdo(Paintings of Viewing Falls) of Joseon Dynast had many drawings of a person viewing falls and viewing behaviors such as Supyeong gyeong(level landscape), Amgang gyeong(lower landscape), Bugam Gyeong(higher landscape), and glimpse viewing. Fifth, rocks out of landscape elements make falls vivid and are so expressed as yin and yang that falls and rocks are well contrasted with each other, maximizing beautiful scenery of falls. Sixth, woody plant of Gwanpokdo(Paintings of Viewing Falls) was mostly pine trees which symbolized the literati's fidelity and integrity at that time and emphasized the firm meaning of transcending the nature, matching with symbolization of falls.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.154-169
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• 2019

This study attempts to shed light on the nature and purpose of the small melon-shaped celadon ewer that was found in the Sinan shipwreck, focusing on the fact that it has the shape of a ewer, yet could not really have served as a tea or liquor utensil given its small size and unusual shape. We analyzed the shape-related characteristics of other melon-shaped celadon ewers as well as this one; checked the use of similar items unearthed in China and Japan; examined the relevant literature, materials, and paintings; and arrived at the following conclusion. First, it was found that the small melon-shaped celadon ewer was one of a type that was first made in the Southern Song Period in China and continued to be made until the Yuan Period. The artifact displays some differences from many similar relics found in the same shipwreck, particularly its spout, lid, and handle. Second, research on the tea ceremonies and types of liquors prevalent during the Song and Yuan Periods of China, as well as the appearance of this ewer, suggest that it was unsuitable for use as a liquor utensil. Third, we looked at the relevant literature records, paintings, and relics unearthed in China and Japan in an attempt to determine its actual purpose. It is well known that the literati had a deep affection for stationery items, particularly water droppers, which were made in a variety of shapes during the Song Period of China and thereafter. According to literature dating from the Song and Ming Periods, it appears that melon- or ewer-shaped water droppers were used. Certain paintings from the Ming Period depict a small ewer, along with a water dropper, as a stationery item. Looking at paintings dating from medieval Japan, small ewer-shaped objects do not figure among the tea and liquor utensils depicted, whereas kettles with handles and hot water bottles do. Objects known as yeonjeok (a water dropper) were included among the items said to have been made in pottery kilns during medieval Japan. However, a book on flower arrangement of Japan dating from the fifteenth century shows a small ewer, with flowers in it, among the stationery items placed on a desk. Based on this detail, it is concluded that the small melon-shaped celadon ewer from the Sinan shipwreck might have been used as a flower bottle as well as a stationery item.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.30-39
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• 2019

In this study, 27 representative plants with symbolism and appreciation were extracted from 68 plants collected in Li Yu (1611-1680)'s monograph named 'Xianqingouji Zhongzhibu'. The interpretations were as follows. First, symbolism of plants could be summarized as 1) Li Yu thought that Paeonia suffruticosa was called 'the king of flowers', not only because of its beauty, but also because of its upright character. The only flower that could compete against Paeonia suffruticosa was Paeonia lactiflora Pall.. This flower was called 'the flower prime minister' by common people. But Li Yu thought that Paeonia lactiflora Pall. should also be included in the feudal princes. 2) Prunus persica and Camellia japonica were compared to 'beautiful cheeks', and Malus spectabilis (Ait.)Borkh, Jasminum sambac, Rosa multiflora var. platyphylla, Narcissus tazetta, Papaver rhoeas were compared to 'beautiful women', expressing his love for flowers. 3) Li Yu called Nelumbo nucifera a 'gentleman in flowers' and Buxus sinica Rehd. et Wils. Cheng a 'gentleman in trees'. On the contrary, Daphne odora was compared to 'villain in flowers'. 4) Ilex integra was compared to a hermit, and Campsis grandiflora was compared to an immortal. Second, appreciation of plants could be organized by 1) Appreciation of plants required assistive tools. When going to suburb to enjoy the scenery, tents needed to be prepared. Paper screens should be used to appreciate Prunus mume in the courtyard so as to gain more elegant. Li Yu also proposed that ornamental objects should be properly placed near Orchidaceae so as to gain more elegant. 2）Li Yu took Lagerstroemia indica and Prunus armeniaca L. as examples to interpret that plants were as perceptive as animals and human beings. 3) Li Yu took Salix pierotii and Albizia julibrissin as examples to interpret that people should communicate with plants through five senses to produce resonance. And took Nelumbo nucifera and Rosa rugosa to emphasize the ornamental and practical value of plants. 4) Plants were metaphored sth. similar to them. An interesting example was Celosia cristata L. which was more like an auspicious cloud in the sky than the crest on the cock's head. To sum up, Li Yu personified plants and thought that people should communicate with plants by multi-sensory world when appreciating plants. Through this, it fully showed his love for plants. Meanwhile, Li Yu's symbolism and appreciation of plants, to some extent, reflected the elegant life of literati in the early Qing Dynasty.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.205-232
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• 2017

In the former half of the 18th century, For this period the literary people who led the literature of Nam'in were Sadaebu named the so-called Munoepa. There were Gang Pak(姜樸), Lee In-bok(李仁復), Lee Jung-hwan, Oh Gwang-un(吳光運), and Gang Pil-shin(姜必愼) in Munoepa(門外派). All these people as Sadaebu of Nam'in kept company with families of each other, had close relations from early childhood, and shared with same opinions in various ways like politics, culture, etc. They had intimate relationships not only in politics but also in literature, and primarily acted their part regarding the development of literary circles in the first half of the 18th century. Many individual poets who achieved the outstanding literary accomplishment appeared in the late period of Joseon Dynasty, especially in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. They actively made progress in their literary works with Sisa. The poets in similar positions had the Sisa to show their literary ability and check on their view about the literature. They briskly tried to express their own literary intention in activities of Sisa. Gang Pil-shin is a literary representative of the late period of Joseon Dynasty Nam'in. Through the exchange relationship of Gang Pil-shin, we can confirm certain aspects of his literary world. People who have tied up with Gang Pil-shin are largely divided into three. First, it is a literary person in Geungi Nam'in literati, typified by Backryeonsidan, Jinju Gang family, Gyeongsang Provinces area that was a place of residence. The exchanges of Gang Pil-shin were done via a poetry club. a poetry club was basically conducted mainly on relatives such as Gang Pak. However, the members of a poetry club changed according to the area where you live. Gang Pil-shin made a poetry club while coming back and forth between Seoul and Gyeongsang Provinces. This means that Gang Pil-shin also had special attention as Geungi Nam'in (近畿 南人), but also had a positive nature as Yeongnam south person. A closer look at what linguistics of Gang Pil-shin Geungi Nam'in and Yeongnam Nam'in had special characteristics late period of Joseon Dynasty It is possible to confirm the special characteristics of Seoul and the local literary exchange. For this reason, it seems that more detailed examination of the literature of Gang Pil-shin is necessary.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.48
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• pp.91-116
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• 2012

Writing is a process and work of expressing one's own feelings and thoughts that are not contained in rigid forms; however, the literary trend and environment during the Late Joseon was not so tolerant. A revivalist approach to writing was dominant during this period, which was summarized in the expression that "Prose must be written in the style of Qin and Han; and Poetry in that of High Tang. "Hence, it was practically a taboo to express one's raw emotions and disregard the custom and regulations of writing. Nevertheless, literati, who got tired of the dogmatic rule of Neo-Confucianism at the time that refused to see the changing world and the pseudo-archaic writing that merely imitated the outside and was empty inside, attempted new styles of writing to escape from the model or example and what was familiar. Lee Yong-hyu, who was in the middle of such transformations, learned the trends of Late Ming and Early Qing through the newly imported Chinese books and created his own style that reflected his personality. His writings refused the Neo-Confucian system of thoughts, which was a dominant ideology of the time, paid attention to the human nature and emphasized the restoration of the self. His writing could be described as being anti-pseudo-archaic and criticized the pretentious trend of the time. He argued that in order to restore the true self, one must recover the innocent mind that was bestowed on human by heaven/nature (cheon-li, 天理), and for this purpose, one must straighten out one's mind (sim, 心). His argument is similar to that of "Yangming School of Mind," which could be represented by the phrase, "Mind is the Principle (心卽理)." Yangming School claimed that moral principle existed within one's mind; and this was in stark contrast with the Neo-Confucian idea that "principle (li)"was external and transcendent, and was spoken by the great Confucian masters and written down in Confucian Classics. By denying the externality of the principle and underscoring its immanence, the idea that centralized Confucian Classics and canons was dismantled. Lee Yong-hyu's writing styles that denied the model and emphasized the restoration of the self was influenced by such thoughts. However, one must neither hastily judge that he is an advocate of Yangming School of Mind, nor determine the anti-pseudo-archaic writers' ideological basis as the philosophy of Yangming School. Once it is rigidly defined, be it Zhu Xi's philosophy or Wang Yangming's philosophy, it becomes another model that one must abide by, and again the self disappears. Thus, Lee Yong-hyu defied any kind of model that claimed authenticity or precedence and wished that people would live independently as oneself, and left such claims and wishes in writing. That is the reason, after more than two hundred years later, we still read his writings.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.49 no.6
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• pp.80-92
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• 2021

Mount Tai, with an elevation of 1,532 meters, has a reputation as 'The Most Revered of the Five Sacred Mountains(五嶽獨尊)', despite not being the highest mountain in China. The literati of the past dynasties created a multitude of works based on the landscape of Mount Tai. Traditional literature is a part of national culture that directly reflects the national characteristics and styles, and is an important part of humanities, which can be linked to landscapes. The purpose of this study is to investigate the landscape elements and characteristics of Mount Tai by analyzing the landscape types and elements and the Kernel Density, Mean Center and Standard Deviational Ellipse of the landscape elements appearing in the representative poems of traditional literature. The research results of this study are summarized as follows. First, Mount Tai is a scenic spot dominated by human activities, different from the natural landscape of prior research related to scenic spots. Second, among the landscape elements of Mount Tai, the importance of "sunrise", "cyan", "towering" and "majestic", "Divine Dragon" is confirmed, symbolizing the hope, brightness, vitality, national stability and prosperity represented by Mount Tai, which can explain the leadership position of Mount Tai. Third, it can be found from the poems about Mount Tai that various landscape elements were embodied in belief (the behavior of gods or emperors) in the Pre-Qin, Sui and Tang dynasties, while in modern times, landscape elements are shown by action (climbing and looking far into distance), so it can be said that the landscape elements have changed from belief landscapes to experience landscapes. Fourth, the spatial distribution of landscape elements in the past dynasties was widely distributed in the Daiding(岱頂). Approaching the modern times, the mean center moved from south outside of Mount Tai to the summit of Mount Tai, and the spatial distribution changed from a widely scattered distribution to narrow linear distribution centered on Mount Tai. The present study is of great significance to provide key factors or spaces for future landscape protection and restoration of Mount Tai.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.669-700
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• 2019

Farmers' band music is a religious ritual in Korea. It is a solemn ritual to exhibit the auspicious holiness of the people to the God. Most of the ritual is accomplished by music. The music of the farmers 'band, in this sense, has its meaning as the expression of holiness by sound. In this paper, I will explore the principle to make various rhythms of farmers' band music, especially focusing on the chaegut (lit. "stroke music"). It is very symbolic because the name of the music shows the strokes of the gong, called jing, in a rhythmic phrase. In this sense, the chaegut is man-made music based on the specific principles in accordance with the strokes of the gong. Among many chaegut rhythms, samchae (lit. "three strokes") to chilchae (lit. "seven strokes") are the main rhythms. They were made after the principle of 'forward with drums, backward with gongs' in Five way procession. It the basic principle of military procession from the early Joseon Dynasty. The procession follows with the sound of the drums and gongs. There was always a principle of "five strokes" to control the procession. The "five strokes" became the basis of the making of chaegut rhythms. The rhythms of the samchae to chilchae are based on the rhythm of samchae. The samchae has three gong strokes in a cycle, which exhibits the chaotic moment with the rhythmic noise. The name of the rhythm exhibits the correspondence of the signifiant, that is the name "three strokes" and the signifié, that is the real three strokes of gongs in music. Other four rhythms has made up from the samchae with half cycles are added in accordance with the strokes of the gongs. In this way, the chaegut shows the principle of "five strokes" in the military procession. The rhythm of ochae jilgut is a mixture of ochae (lit. "five strokes") and jilgut (lit. "road music") which is usually performed on the road to a mountain shrine. The musical structure of ochae jilgut corresponds to the colotomic structure of Southeast Asian music and the 15th-century music of old musical scores. The rhythm of gilgunak chilchae is a mixture of gilgunak (lit. "road military music") and chilchae (lit. "seven strokes"). The rhythmic structure is similar to other regional music, sijo ("short song") of the literati music and norae garak (lit. "some melody") of the shaman music. In sum, the chaegut is very artistic music made from the military procession of the Joseon Dynasty. The name of the rhythm corresponds with the strokes of the gong in a cycle. In this way, the chaegut shows the principle of music-making to exhibit the ritual characteristics of the Korean people.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.29
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• pp.89-123
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• 2010

As above, as theoretical basis of critiques against School of Mohism, the researcher summarized the positions of the elder Confucian scholars including Meng Zi. In the body of text, taking it as promises, the researcher examined the critiques against Mo Tzu and School of Mohism as well focusing on the aspects and development of the theory of rejecting heterodoxy which had been introduced and strongly argued from the end of Goryeo kingdom to the late Joseon period. The summary of the body of this text is as follows: In the old literatures prior to Goryeo Kingdom, the researcher couldn't find any cases that either the School of Mohism or Mo Tzu including the Hundred Schools of Thought had been rejected explicitly. Having reached the end of Goryeo and the beginning of Joseon period, Meng Zi's viewpoints on the theory of rejecting heterodoxy had begun to emerge and come into play with the progress of accepting Neo-Confucianism, and, these critiques against Yang Zhu and Mo Tzu being given, the scholar-literati circle had started rejecting Buddhism and Lao Tzu. Basically the contents of the critiques against the School of Mohism in the early period of Joseon were in succession to Meng Zi's theory of rejecting heterodoxy and the views and thoughts of the elder Confucian scholars including Han Yu rather than any specific critiques against Mo Tzu' ideology itself. Until entering the middle of Joseon period, the critiques against the School of Mohism had been used as a tool to promote Confucianism in an affirmative manner, while arguing strongly against the viewpoint of Han Yu in the first place. Particularly, not only the original text of the Mo Tzu's writings were directly quoted, although it was partial, but also the contents of the critiques against the School of Mohism had been developed and stretched to the extent of their entire ideological system. Having approached to the late period of Joseon, the critiques against the School of Mohism had begun to be linked to those critiques against the study of state examination or of sentence patterns including Catholic Church, furthermore the critics raised their harsh tones against the irregularities of the society at large like the issue of corruptions of the government officials of those days instead, although they still had firmly stood on the ground of the theory of rejecting heterodoxy. Those scholars that belonged to the School of Practical Learning, in particular, said in justification of the School of Mohism arguing that the major ideologies of Mo Zi had usefulness in the real world, also they even evaluated that Meng Zi ' critiques against the School of Mohism were immoderate. To sum up, characteristics of scholars in the Joseon period to understand and critique the School of Mohism are that ideologies of Mo Tzu were mostly used as a tool for the sake of critiques against heresies in other sectors of society based mainly on Meng Zi's theory of rejecting heterodoxy, rather than opposing views against the ideologies or philosophies of the School of Mohism itself. Meanwhile, however, on the plus side, the critics praised Mo Tzu's individual efforts in order to put his ideology of peace into practice apart from the ideological system of the School of Mohism. Also, having reached the late period of Joseon, the researcher was able to have discovered the fact that the writings of Mo Tzu had been used as historical materials in order to ascertain historical truths of Confucian Scriptures, rather not having it regarded as an ideology text.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.5
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• pp.255-262
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• 2023

In the early 20th century, Yeomjae Song Tae-hoe (念齋 宋泰會, 1872-1941), a disciple and onetime adopted son of teacher Song Su-myeon(宋修勉, 1847-1916), moved to Gochang and laid the foundation for Gochang calligraphy and painting, and it can be seen that a full-fledged flow began. Yeomjae Song Tae-hoe was a scholar and calligrapher of the late Joseon Dynasty and modern period from Hwasun, Jeollanam-do. He is a person who created the foundation of Gochang calligraphy and painting while working as an educator in Chinese literature, calligraphy, and painting, mainly in his hometown of Hwasun and Gochang, while engaging in creative activities. He was intelligent from a young age and showed an extraordinary talent for calligraphy. At the age of 16, he passed the Jinsa exam (童蒙進士) and became the youngest student to study at Sungkyunkwan. He was active by holding exhibitions nationwide based in Gochang and Jeonju, and was also an educator who fostered younger students by establishing Gochang High School (currently, Gochang Middle and High School) to cultivate national spirit and history. Yeomjae drew strong and healthy landscape paintings under the absolute influence of the painting style of Saho Song Su-myeon, and dealt with various materials of southern school literati paintings such as flowers and birds and four plants. In particular, he is a representative calligrapher who encompasses the early modern era and the modern era in that he expressed his interest in new cultural artifacts as well as the realization of a modern-oriented realistic landscape based on Korean natural beauty. He laid the foundation for modern and contemporary calligraphy and painting. Goam Lee Eung-no (顧菴 李應魯, 1904-1989), a world-renowned painter, learned the basics of ink painting from Yeomjae in his late teens.However, compared to his various artistic and social activities, it is regrettable that he is limited and evaluated as a local writer.