• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.379-418
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• 2017

Weoldae -which we can find inside Joseon palaces- is usually erected in front of important structures including the Main Hall(Jeongjeon, 正殿). There is no clear definition of its nature that we can find in official law codes or dynastic ritual manuals, and such records do not specify what kind of rules should be observed in creating them either. In illustrations of palaces such as and , Weoldae can be seen at structures such as the Main "Jeongjeon" Hall(正殿), Royal office(Pyeonjeon, 便殿), Royal Quarters(Jeongchim, 正寢), Queen's bedroom(Chimjeon, 寢殿), Quarters of the Crown Prince(Dong'gung, 東宮), and other structures. All these structures equipped with a Weoldae were related to special figures inside the royal family such as the king, the queen, the crown prince, and the crown-prince' son. These figures were literally above the law, and as such their treatment could not be defined by law. And these spaces were where they worked or rested while they lived, and where their posthumous tablets(Shinju, 神主) or portraits(Eojin, 御眞) were enshrined after they died. (When such spaces were used for latter purposes, they were designated either as 'Honjeon[魂殿, chamber of the tablet]' or 'Jinjeon[眞殿, hall of portrait']). Joseon was a Confucian dynasty with a strict social stratification system, and the palace structures reflected such atmosphere as well. We can see that structures described with Weoldae in and were structures which were more important than others that did not have a Weoldae. Among structures with Weoldae, the place which hosted most of the dynastic rituals was the Main Hall. In this Main Hall, the King swore an oath himself, passed the incense(香) himself during memorial services, and observed honoring ceremonies[Manbae-rye(望拜禮)] at the "Hwangdan"(皇壇) altar which was built to commemorate the three Ming Emperors. The so-called "Two Palaces[兩闕]" of Joseon shared a unique relationship in terms of their own Weoldae units and the rituals that were held there. In the early half of the Joseon dynasty period, Gyeongbok-gung(景福宮) and Dong'gweol(東闕) constituted the "Two palaces," but after the war with the Japanese in the 1590s during which the Gyeongbok-gung palace was incinerated, Dong'gweol and Seogweol(西闕) came to newly form the "Two palaces" instead. Meanwhile, Changdeok-gung(昌德宮) became the main palace[法宮], replacing the previous one which had been Gyeongbok-gung. In general, when a king moved to another palace, the ancestral tablets in the Honjeon chamber or the portrait in the Jinjeon hall would accompany him as well. Their presence would be established within the new palace. But king Yeongjo was an exception from that practice. Even after he moved to the Gyeong'hi-gung(慶熙宮) palace, he continued to pay visit to the Jinjeon Hall at Changdeok-gung. While he was positioned inside Gyeong'hi-gung, he did not manage the palace with Gyeonghi-gung as its sole center. He tried to manage other palaces like Changdeok-gung and Chang'gyeong-gung(昌慶宮) as well, and as organically as possible.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.133-150
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• 2022

Calling the 21th century the age of 'cultural competition' is not an overstatement. In an era of globalization, we try to find the 'identity of our country' in our culture. 'Culture' is the unique ethnicity of the people of each country that reflects the traces of their lives. As the world is transforming into a multi-dimensional place, traditional patterns in reference to cultural uniqueness and original formativeness are the brands that represent the people. France's luxury brand, GOYARD's Y-shaped pattern naturally made during the persistent traditional handmade process is still France's representative corporate brand and is considered prestigious even after 150 years have passed. On the other hand, in low-income countries, patterns created in the natural process of weaving fabrics are succeeded as a unique cultural aesthetic and are loved by people all over the world. Like this, people living in the global multi-dimensional world look to attain the framework 'One Planet Perspective' which is to succeed their own native culture and preserve the unique culture of others. For example, in the process of international relief organizations delivering relief supplies to Columbia's "Wayu tribe" due to the water shortage in 2013, a handmade product, "Mochila Bag" was discovered. Triggered by this incident, Europe and Korea decide to import it to support the livelihood of the "Wayu tribe." Also, the aesthetic and cultural values of the traditional culture in minority tribes that have evolved through thousands of years have been listed on UNESCO and preserved worldwide. Likewise, culture doesn't suddenly appear overnight, but rather the brand representing the company is the pattern used in the trend of the era kept for over 100 years. Moreover, patterns that reflect the country's identity are inherited as the unique aesthetic of the culture. Our country does inherit the unique aesthetic of our culture, but doesn't have a 'strong image' that displays the practical value reinterpreted creatively and aesthetically to fit the modern trend. Traditional patterns are important in perspective of study and theoretical research, but the brand's image using those patterns is a new medium from the past existence continuing to the current tradition. Furthermore, this study suggests that the image of a company that uses traditional patterns will have high economical potential as a national brand.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.47-66
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• 2011

Malay society is rooted on the Islamic concept. That Islam influenced every corner of that Malay society which had ever been an edge of the civilizations of the Indus and Ganges. Once the letters of that Hindu religion namely Sanscrit was adopted to this Malay society for the purpose of getting the Malay language, that is, Bahasa Melayu down to the practical literation but in vain. The Sanscrit was too complicated for Malay society to imitate and put it into practice in everyday life because it was totally different type of letters which has many of the similar allographs for a sound. In the end Malay society gave it up and just used the Malay language without using any letters for herself. After a few centuries Islam entered this Malay society with taking Arabic letters. It was not merely influencing Malay cultures, but to the religious life according to wide spread of that Islam. Finally Arabic letters was to the very means that Malay language was written by. It means that Arabic letters had been used for Arabic language in former times, but it became a similar form of letters for a new language which was named as Malay language. This Arabic letters for Arabic language has no problems whereas Arabic letters for Malay language has some of it. Naturally speaking, arabic letters was not designed for any other language but just for Arabic language itself. On account of this, there occurred a few problems in writing Malay consonants, just like p, ng, g, c, ny and v. These 6 letters could never be written down in Arabic letters. Those 6 ones were never known before in trying to pronounce by Arab people. Therefore, Malay society had only to modify a few new forms of letters for these 6 letters which had frequently been found in their own Malay sounds. As a result, pa was derived from fa, nga was derived from ain, ga was derived from kaf, ca was derived from jim, nya was derived from tha or ba, and va was derived from wau itself. Where must these 6 newly modified letters be put on this Arabic keyboard? This is the very core of this working paper. As a matter of course, these 6 letters were put on the place where 6 Arabic signs which were scarecely written in Malay language. Those 6 are found when they are used only in the 'shift-key-using-letters.' These newly designed 6 letters were put instead of the original places of fatha, kasra, damma, sukun, tanween and so on. The main differences between the 2 set of 6 letters are this: 6 in Arabic orginal keyboard are only signs for Arabic letters, on the other hand 6 Malay's are real letters. In others words, 6 newly modified Malay letters were substituted for unused 6 Arabic signs in Malay keyboard. This type of newly designed Malay Jawi Script keyboard is still used in Malaysia, Brunei and some other Malay countries. But this sort of keyboard also needs to go forward to find out another way of keyboard system which is in accordance with the alphabetically ordered keyboard system. It means that alif is going to be typed for A key, and zai shall be typed when Z key is pressed. This keyboard system is called 'Malay Jawi-English Rumi matching keyboard system', even though this system should probably be inconvenient for Malay Jawi experts who are good at Arabic 'alif-ba-ta'order.

• Korean Journal of Mineralogy and Petrology
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• v.36 no.2
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• pp.135-145
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• 2023

Aggregate is used to produce stable materials like concrete and asphalt and is fundamental to meet the social needs of housing, industry, road, energy and health. A total of 42.35 billion tons of aggregate were produced in 2021 worldwide, an increase of 0.91% compared to the previous year. Among them, 2 billion tons were produced in China, India, European Union and United States, making up to 71.75% of the share. South Korea has witnessed a constant increase in aggregate production, overtaking Mexico and Japan for seventh place with 390 million tons and 0.85% of the share. The industrial sand and gravel produced globally amounted to 352.66 million tons. The top seven countries with the highest production were China, United States, Netherlands, Italy, India, Turkey and France, and their production exceeded 10 million tons and held a share of 74.69%. Exports of natural rock recorded $21.68 billion in 2021, increased by $2.3 billion compared to the previous year, while exports of artificial rock increased by $2.66 billion to $13.59 billion. Exports of sand reached $1.71 billion with United States, Netherlands, Germany and Belgium being the four countries with the highest exports of sand. The four countries exported more than $100 million in sand and took up 57.70% of the total amount. Exports of gravel totaled $2.75 billion, with China, Norway, Germany, Belgium, France and Austria in the lead, making up to 48.30% of the total share. The aggregate quarry started to surge in the 1950s due to the change in people's lifestyle such as population growth, urbanization and infrastructure delvelopment. Demand for aggregate is also skyrocketing to prevent land reclamation and flood caused by sea-level rise. Demand for aggregate, which was around 24 gigatons in 2011, is expected to double to 55 gigatons in 2060. However, it is likely that aggregate extraction will heavily damage the ecosystem and the world will eventually face a shortage of aggregate followed by tense social conflict.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.29
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• pp.89-123
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• 2010

As above, as theoretical basis of critiques against School of Mohism, the researcher summarized the positions of the elder Confucian scholars including Meng Zi. In the body of text, taking it as promises, the researcher examined the critiques against Mo Tzu and School of Mohism as well focusing on the aspects and development of the theory of rejecting heterodoxy which had been introduced and strongly argued from the end of Goryeo kingdom to the late Joseon period. The summary of the body of this text is as follows: In the old literatures prior to Goryeo Kingdom, the researcher couldn't find any cases that either the School of Mohism or Mo Tzu including the Hundred Schools of Thought had been rejected explicitly. Having reached the end of Goryeo and the beginning of Joseon period, Meng Zi's viewpoints on the theory of rejecting heterodoxy had begun to emerge and come into play with the progress of accepting Neo-Confucianism, and, these critiques against Yang Zhu and Mo Tzu being given, the scholar-literati circle had started rejecting Buddhism and Lao Tzu. Basically the contents of the critiques against the School of Mohism in the early period of Joseon were in succession to Meng Zi's theory of rejecting heterodoxy and the views and thoughts of the elder Confucian scholars including Han Yu rather than any specific critiques against Mo Tzu' ideology itself. Until entering the middle of Joseon period, the critiques against the School of Mohism had been used as a tool to promote Confucianism in an affirmative manner, while arguing strongly against the viewpoint of Han Yu in the first place. Particularly, not only the original text of the Mo Tzu's writings were directly quoted, although it was partial, but also the contents of the critiques against the School of Mohism had been developed and stretched to the extent of their entire ideological system. Having approached to the late period of Joseon, the critiques against the School of Mohism had begun to be linked to those critiques against the study of state examination or of sentence patterns including Catholic Church, furthermore the critics raised their harsh tones against the irregularities of the society at large like the issue of corruptions of the government officials of those days instead, although they still had firmly stood on the ground of the theory of rejecting heterodoxy. Those scholars that belonged to the School of Practical Learning, in particular, said in justification of the School of Mohism arguing that the major ideologies of Mo Zi had usefulness in the real world, also they even evaluated that Meng Zi ' critiques against the School of Mohism were immoderate. To sum up, characteristics of scholars in the Joseon period to understand and critique the School of Mohism are that ideologies of Mo Tzu were mostly used as a tool for the sake of critiques against heresies in other sectors of society based mainly on Meng Zi's theory of rejecting heterodoxy, rather than opposing views against the ideologies or philosophies of the School of Mohism itself. Meanwhile, however, on the plus side, the critics praised Mo Tzu's individual efforts in order to put his ideology of peace into practice apart from the ideological system of the School of Mohism. Also, having reached the late period of Joseon, the researcher was able to have discovered the fact that the writings of Mo Tzu had been used as historical materials in order to ascertain historical truths of Confucian Scriptures, rather not having it regarded as an ideology text.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.145-154
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to investigate the performance, learning motivation and satisfaction of the students who take the university 's Lifelong Education Program. The research method was interviewed. The results are as follows. In terms of operations; First, the awareness of the kindness of employees of the college lifelong education institute needs to be strengthened at the beginning of the school year. Second, in the operation of the College Lifelong Education Center, the support such as the parking fee should be extended to the students. Third, lifelong education facilities should be supplemented. In terms of participation motivation; First, it can be seen that there are the most learners who want to do complementary learning. Most of them are people who look back on their lives and prepare for their future directions. Second, as the life span of human beings became longer, the economic preparation for life became necessary. Thus, all learning tends to be perceived as a preparation for economic income. Third, most people who participate in lifelong education are very interested in health. Therefore, it is necessary to increase the motivation for participation by expanding health related programs. In terms of satisfaction; First, it depends on the purpose of the individual. Satisfaction was high for those who aimed at hobbies and relationships, and satisfaction for those who aimed for economic activities was low. Second, it is also necessary to consider the instructor 's instructional process. In other words, lifelong learners tend to be adults, so little complaints are not revealed. Therefore, I would like to ask the lecturers to advance the education for the class. The implications for the improvement direction of the lifelong education center are as follows; First, we need to drastically reduce the number of programs overlapping with other universities and conduct research to develop new programs. In order to do this, it is necessary to continuously carry out a survey of demanders' needs. Second, it is necessary to find the appropriate place for program operation considering the movement distance of learners. It should be avoided that the program should be operated with the existing university facilities. Third, universities' lifelong education should go to education that includes college students.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.3
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• pp.234-252
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• 2023

This study looked at the modification of major gardens while making Deoksugung Palace (德壽宮) a park in the Japanese colonial era. This is because landscaping work was carried out in various places from 1932 to 1933 to open Deoksugung Palace, which used to be an imperial palace, as a public recreation space. In particular, major gardens such as the front yard of Seokjojeon Hall (石造殿), the back yard of Hamnyeongjeon Hall (咸寧殿), and the back yard of Jeukjodang Hall (卽阼堂) were greatly transformed into different shapes from the original. During the first phase of construction in 1932, a water tank was installed in Seokjojeon Hall Garden, creating the first water space. This water tank was originally a structure installed in the front yard of Injeongjeon Hall (仁政殿) of Changdeokgung Palace (昌德宮). Around 1909, a water tank installed in the front yard of Injeongjeon Hall was relocated to Seokjojeon Garden in the process of turning Deoksugung Palace into a park. The water tank moved from the front yard of Injeongjeon Hall was a factor that transformed the central area of Seokjojeon Garden into a water space, and a fountain installed to replace the water tank remains to this day. The backyard of Hamnyeongjeon Hall was also renovated into a new shape during the first phase of construction. Originally, there was a terraced flowerbed called Hwagye (花階) in the backyard of Hamyujae Hall (咸有齋) and Hamnyeongjeon Hall, and it was restored from the construction that took place after the Great Fire of Deoksugung Palace. In the process of turning Deoksugung Palace into a park, a three-stage stonework was built in the front yard of Jeonggwanheon Pavilion (靜觀軒) which renovated the Hwagye in the backyard of Hamyujae Hall and Hamnyeongjeon Halll. The stonework built at that time was used as a peony garden to provide visitors with attractions after the opening of Deoksugung Palace, and it remains today with the name Jeonggwanheon's Hwagye. The backyard of the Jeukjodang Hall area is a case of damage in the second phase of construction in 1933. Like the backyard of Hamnyeongjeon Hall, the backyard of Jeukjodang Hall, where the Hwagye was originally built, was converted into a Japanese-style garden in the process of turning Deoksugung Palace into a park. The site where the Hwagye was demolished was decorated with a Japanese-style garden centered on mounding, small roads, and landscaping stones, as well as topographic control and planting work. Although there have been minor changes since liberation, the backyard of the Jeukjodang Hall area is still based on a Japanese-style garden created by turning Deoksugung Palace into a park.

• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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• v.1
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• pp.330-355
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• 2024

There are two main perspectives in Korea on Korean cultural heritage located overseas: one views it as items that need to be repatriated since they were scattered abroad under unfortunate historical circumstances. The other considers them as a means to more widely promote Korea's culture and long history. A shift in perspective has gradually been taking place in the decades since Korea's liberation from Japanese colonial rule in 1945. This can be noted through three major types of exhibitions. The first type is exhibitions of repatriated cultural heritage that showcase items that were illegally removed from the country but later returned or otherwise acquired through purchase or donation. The Special Exhibition of Returned Cultural Heritage, which was held in 1966 on the occasion of the normalization of diplomatic relations between the Republic of Korea and Japan, emphasized the legitimacy of reclaiming cultural properties that were illegally removed from Korea during the period of Japanese colonial rule. Around the 1990s, special exhibitions of private donations were held, which also highlighted the legitimacy of repatriation. The special exhibition of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe (Royal Protocols of the Joseon Dynasty from the Outer Royal Library) held in 2011 was seen as an opportunity to raise public interest in repatriation, heal the wounds of history, and restore the nation's cultural pride. The second type of exhibition involves borrowing and displaying overseas Korean cultural heritage in accordance with a theme as a means to reenergize and provide a comprehensive view of Korean culture. The exhibitions National Treasures from the Goryeo Dynasty in 1995 and National Treasures from the Early Joseon Dynasty in 1997 (both held at the Hoam Museum of Art) and the Masterpieces of Goryeo Buddhist Painting held at the National Museum of Korea in 2010 underscored the importance of overseas Korean cultural heritage for exploring Korean cultural history. The third type is special exhibitions on the history of the collection of Korean cultural heritage. With Korea's economic growth in the 1980s and the increase in exhibitions and the number of galleries featuring Korean cultural heritage in overseas museums in the 1990s, interest in the history of acquisition also grew. Exhibitions like The Korean Collection of the Peabody Essex Museum in 1994 and Korean Art from the United States in 2012 introduced overseas galleries focused on Korean art and the diverse history of collecting Korean cultural properties. They also examined the perception of Korean art in the United States. These efforts heightened public interest in establishing and supporting Korean galleries abroad. The initiation of more systematic surveys and research on Korean cultural heritage located abroad and the contribution of overseas Korean cultural heritage to the enhancement of the local understanding and promotion of Korean culture have resulted in changes to the perception of overseas Korean cultural heritage in Korea.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.36 no.1
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• pp.55-86
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• 2021

The initial situation in our tale shows that the earth-mother-feminine principle disappeared from the center of the collective consciousness into the collective unconscious. Therefore the heaven-father-masculine principle is dominant, which is represented by the king. And in the king's daughter, who is living without mother, the positive father complex is working. She stays in the heaven-spirit world playing with the golden ball, which can be seen as the state of inflation. She is disconnected from the earth-mother-feminine principle, which is important for a woman to find her genuine feminine identity. This demanded principle approaches her through the frog, a bewitched prince. Psychologically it means that a man is under the power of the negative mother complex. The disgusting, ugly frog is a symbol for the shadow, the earthly animal instincts of the princess. Only with his help she can find her golden ball again, which has fallen into the deep well. Their talk about the rewards to him for his help shows us very well the opposites. The frog wants the feminine value such as relation, earthly eros, but the princess offers the masculine value such as heavenly logos. After the frog brought her the lost ball, i.e. she regained her libido, she completely forgot her promise. Like this the content, which is becoming conscious, here the shadow, is easy to fall back into the unconscious and to be repressed. The frog cannot be with the princess without the help of the king, a father figure, a firm protector of the collective oder. At first unwillingly the princess obeys Logos of her father. But her authentic instinctual urge grows stronger and it causes that her ego is released from the power of her father complex. At just this moment the frog turns into a prince, i.e. he is liberated from the mother complex. The marriage of princess and frog-prince symbolize the unification of the opposites: heaven becomes earthly and earth becomes heavenly. Three iron bands, wrapped around the heart of Heinrich, a young king's servant, are snapped, while he brings the prince and princess back to his kingdom. The heart, the place of earth-mother-feminine consciousness, is now liberated. This principle, which disappeared into the unconscious, emerged into the collective consciousness and the wholeness is recovered. The Self is now leading the collective consciousness, which includes not only the principle of Logos but also Eros.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.413-444
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• 2009

This paper is an analysis of stage and performance elements for the ceremonial procedures and dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan, a feast celebrating the 60th birthday of Hyegyeong-gung Hongssi (Crown Princess Hong of Hyegyeonggung), the mother of King Jeongjo, which took place in Hwaseong haegung palace in 1795. The primary sources used are data on bongsudangjinchan recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyojeongriuigwe, Jeongjo-sillok, Hongjae-jeonseo, pictorial sources such as Folding Screens of Hwaseong-neunghaeng and Hwaseong Ilgi, which is a journal in Korean by Yi Hui-pyeong. A court ceremony to offer music, dance, flowers, and food, as well as wine and poetry which express the sentiments of chung (fidelity) and hyo (filial piety) was considered a national ceremony and has constituted a unique musical culture during the 500 years of Joseon dynasty. However, after the fall of Joseon dynasty, ceremonial music and dance, which have been organically linked within the overall symbolic system of ye (courtesy), became scattered to become independent 'pieces.' As a result, all of their philosophy, principles, and the time-space interpretation of court music and dance became greatly reduced, leaving only the artistic expression and formal structure of the music and dance to become emphasized. Since the 1990s, there has been many research and events aiming to re-create the court ceremonial tradition, resulting in the increase of the related performance activities. This is especially true with bongsudang-jinchan, which is now being performed on modern stage in various forms. However there are still many problems to be solved, such as the issue of re-creating and restoring the original, and the question of artistic value found in the traditional pieces. Until now, much focus has been paid to the outer re-construction of uiju document as recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyo-jeongriuigwe. On the other hand, there lacked an in-depth study which analyzes the stage situation and performance elements. Therefore in this paper, after focusing on the stage structure and performance elements, it is concluded that bongsudang-jinchan, the only court feast to be held in Haeng gung, not only consists of the fundamental aspects of court performance principle as 'governing through ye and ak (music),' but also served as an important occasion to bring together the sovereign and the subject. Bongsudang-jinchan had features of both naeyeon (feast for ladies) and oeyeon (feast for gentlemen). It minimized the use of screens and allowed every guest to enjoy food, music, and dance together, but provided a separate tent for foreign guests, maintaining the ideal balance between equality and distinction among different gender and social status. A screen symbolizing the venue for the feast is placed for all of the government officials. The king then pronounces the beginning of the banquet in which the ideal of gunsin-dongyeon (king and officials dining together) is realized. This indicates that bongsudang-jinchan, compared to other court ceremonies that emphasize the principle of yeak (courtesy and music), focuses more on the spirit of harmony and rapprochement. The king played a more active role in bongsudang-jinchan than in any other royal feasts. Examples as recorded in uiju documents are; Jeongjo's conversation with his retainers after the 7th wine, king's bestowing of food and flowers to the officials, writing his own majesty's poems with regard to the festival, and asking the retainers to write replying poems. All these played an important part in making the occasion more rich, extensive, and meaningful. Moreover, as analysis of the structure of orchestral music and court dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan shows, it was like any other court banquet in that it employed minimal use of extravagance in movements and conversation. However, the colors and tonal texture used in the music and dance were more brilliant in this case. Compared to other banquets that took place before king Jeongjo, the dance style was more diverse, which included some of the latest additions. There were past performances arranged anew. Noteworthy are; the incorporation of "Seonyurak (Boat Dance)" and "Geommu (Sword Dance)," traditionally used for local officials and civilians feast, to suit the court taste; and the use of saenghwang (mouth organ), which was a rising instrument in pungnyubang (literati's private salon), for "Hakmu (Cranes Dance)." This especially indicates the nature of the 'open structure' pursued by the court banquets at the time, which strove to break away from the traditional rules and customs and accept something new.