• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.113-124
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• 2012

The Confucian culture of the Chosun Dynasty has a great effect on the construction of ByeolSeo gardens. Among them, especially the gardens built in Gyeongsang Province areas, where a great number of Confucian scholars were produced in the beautiful natural environment, have maintained various heritage of Confucian culture established by the scholars. Along with the Nakdong River, we can find so many cultural assets of buildings such as head houses, ByeolSeo gardens, including the literary remains such as administrative certificates, poetry and prose, and records of pavilions, which show the trace of the scholars who followed the instructions of the doctrines of Chu-tzu. The Geumseonjeog located in Punggi County, Gyeongsangbuk Province, which was the ByeolSeo gardens possessed by Geumgye Whang Jun-ryang(1517-1563), who was the governor of the area and one of the representative students of Toigye Lee Whang. The building is located nearby the Geumseon Valley with beautiful natural scenery under Sobaek Mountain. Especially the pine forest around the valley boasts a unique natural setting. This study is aimed to analyze the value of natural scenic spot of the Geumseonjeong through the surveys on surroundings, topography, vegetation and water system. including the value of humanistic elements focused on the writings such as 'Geumgyejip' written by Whang Jun-ryang and Lee Whang, another 'Geumgyejip' written by Ryu un-ryong, and 'Geumgyejeongsajungsugi' written by Hong Gyeong-ryeom. And also, the scenic spot value of the signboards such as the 'Geumgyejeongsajungsugi' written by Ryu un-ryong, 'Geumgyejeong' by Lee Han-il, 'Geumgyejeong' written by Jo Un-hyeong and 'Geumgyejeongsa, written by Lee Jung-gi, was analyzed. And the historical and cultural value was analyzed through the semantic interpretation of the series of poetry and pose and the old map established in 1872. In respect of the scenery, the surroundings of the Geumseon Valley boast the outstanding settings as the clean mountain stream in front of the Geumseonjeong makes a beautiful harmony with the pine forest. The pine forest surrounding the Geumseon Valley has played a secret role in the history of the village. Considering the fact that the pine forest was expressed in the map of Punggi County produced in 1872, it may be assumed that the forest was regarded to have historical and scenic value in those times. Considering the fact that the words like 'Beautiful' and 'Scenic spot' were used in the writings like 'Geumgyejip' and there were meeting places around the valley, we can recognize the value of the place as a scenic spot. The beautiful natural scenery surrounding the ByeolSeo gardens, and the increase in humanistic value of the poetry and prose, including the administrative certificates, has recently brought about the cases in which some scenic spots of the ByeolSeo gardens were designated as cultural assets. According to the value as a scenic spot and semantic interpretation of the Geumseonjeong, the pavilion appeared to have a great scenic spot value as a ByeolSeo gardens, so that this study was designed to prepare criteria with which the pavilion may be designated as a scenic spot of ByeolSeo gardens.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.29
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• pp.163-191
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• 2011

Recently, the problems in school violence did not stop on the crime between the members at the school and which developed into the invasion crime of the school caused by outsiders. The school is no more the safety zone from the crime. Particularly, in the case of the elementary school, because there are nearly no people who oppose to the outside attacker and can control this, it is the place where it is vulnerable to the invasion crime. The Metropolis of Seoul implements the School Sheriff system within the jurisdiction bureau, in the public elementary school. However, actually the School Sheriff business is being managed, never applying a rule in the Security Industry Law with the main content, that is the Security Industry Law application is excluded. Because the jurisdiction on the contract of Seoul City and operating company are run, the various issues is caused. First, since it is not being considered as a security business, the commercial liability insurance for security company has no chance to applicate when the operation company and the School Sheriff have related damage generation. So the security for the indemnification of loss of the victim is weak. Second, The task of the School Sheriff is ruled just by in the individual contracts. But it is insufficient with this thing. The related duties are required some supplement like a general rule application including the obligation of the guard in the security industry law. Third, the education of the School Sheriff needs to connect with the educational programme in the security industry law. The related professional education specially needed for the prevention of school violence ought to be reserved compensation. Forth, the citizens still demand the strengthening of police patrol for the surroundings of a school in spite of the result of Seoul City's public survey. Therefore, the active relation of cooperation with the police needs to be supported legally and institutionally with the Security Industry Law application. Fifthly, the success of the School Sheriff business can be more guaranteed with the supervision of the legal and institutional device like a the Security Industry Law application or police and all sorts of administrative execution's and etc.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.43
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• pp.7-31
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• 2011

Danjong had suffered the worst misfortune in the history of Lee Dynasty. His throne was usurped by Sejo, his uncle and he was banished to Youngwol where he ended his life for good. Youngwol remembers the last moment of this tragic person clearly through the various traditional stories passed down from the past. In this study, the works assumed to be formed in the contemporary times among Danjong-related stories were targeted. Time of story creation is not known but it could be assumed that the time when heroine of the story was lived may be coincided with the time of traditional story creation, in this story created in a form of experience story. If any objects or elements that may lead to time of traditional story are contained in the story, we may be able to identify the time of traditional story. All of , and were created in the contemporary times. However, these traditional stories are not new at all. If any personal experience story is added on the existing transmitted traditional story, deviation of traditional story near to recreation is taken place. Traditional Danjong story created like this in the contemporary times have some characteristics. First, transmission power of maintaining Danjong story up to the present times was expanded from a nature of misfortune and holiness to general eccentricity. Ability of deity derived from Danjong's grief and grudge is weakened as time goes by and this story is substituted by an amazing things that can be experienced by anybody. Second, at present, Danjong story is transformed to a form of folktale. Danjong story has developed into a myth through deification from a personal legend. This myth is transformed into a folktale everybody can experience in the contemporary times. Third, this story has been recreated in a form of experience story, not a modification. It is said that as the personal experience story is combined with existing traditional stories, a new work of traditional story is created. It could be observed that through contemporary Danjong story, traditional story of historical person could be created in the contemporary times as well and additionally, a process that personal experience story is positioned as a traditional story could be observed. Now is the time to pay attention to various traditional stories being created in the contemporary times like experience stories.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.2
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• pp.172-203
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• 2023

<Cheongdamdo>(true-view landscape painting) was identified in this study to be a folding screen painting painted by Jeong Seon(a.k.a. Gyeomjae, 1676~1759) in the 32nd year of King Yeongjo(1756) while exploring the Cheongdam area located in Mt. Bukhansan near Seoul. Cheongdam Byeol-eop(Korean villa), consisting of Waunru Pavilion and Nongwolru Pavilion, was a cultural and artistic base at that time, where Nakron(Confucian political party) education took place and the Baegak Poetry Society met. <Cheongdamdo> is a painting that recalls a period of autumn rainfall in 1756 when Jeong Seon arrived in the Cheongdam valley with his disciple Kim Hee-sung(a.k.a. Bulyeomjae, 1723~1769) and met Hong Sang-han(1701~1769). It focuses on the valley flowing from Insubong peak to the village entrance. The title has a dual meaning, emphasizing "Cheongdam", a landscape feature that originated from the name of the area, while also referring to the whole scenery of the Cheongdam area. The technique of drastically brushing down(刷擦) wet pimajoon(hanging linen), the expression of soft horizontal points(米點), and the use of fine brush strokes reveal Jeong Seon's mature age. In particular, considering the contrast between the rock peak and the earthy mountain and symmetry of the numbers, the attempt to harmonize yin and yang sees it regarded as a unique Jingyeong painting(眞境術) that Jeong Seon, who was proficient in 『The Book of Changes』, presented at the final stage of his excursion. 「Cheongdamdongbugi」(Personal Anthology) of Eo Yu-bong(1673~1744) was referenced when Jeong Seon sought to understand and express the true scenery of Cheongdam and the physical properties of the main landscape features in the villa garden. The characteristics of this garden, which Jeong Seon clearly differentiated from the field, suppressed the view of water with transformed and exaggerated rocks(水口막이), elaborately creating a rain forest to cover the villa(裨補林), and adding new elements to help other landscape objects function. In addition, two trees were tilted to effectively close the garden like a gate, and an artificial mountain belt(造山帶), the boundary between the outer garden and the inner garden, was built solidly like a long fence connecting an interior azure dragon(內靑龍) and interior white tiger(內白虎). This is the Bibo-Yeomseung painting(裨補厭勝術) that Jeong Seon used to turn the poor location of the Cheongdam Byeol-eop into an auspicious site(明堂). It is interpreted as being devised to be a pungsu(feng shui) trick, and considered an iconographic embodiment of ideal traditional landscape architecture that was difficult to achieve in reality but which was possible through painting.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.6
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• pp.35-50
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• 2024

"Culture refers to the behavioral and lifestyle patterns that a society has shared and transmitted within the community over a long period. Ginseng, frequently encountered in the daily life of Koreans through tools, crafts, folklore, and poetry, holds a deep place in the behavioral and lifestyle patterns of the Korean people. Ginseng, engraved in everyday objects, crafts, and poems, is symbolic in our culture as a representation of longevity and well-being. Ginseng elegantly depicted on ceramics serves as a symbol of longevity along with aesthetic beauty. The common inclusion of ginseng in ritual items in mountain deity beliefs, particularly represented by the 'Bullocho' (不老草) ginseng, reflects a strong belief in the mystical qualities of ginseng associated with longevity and prosperity. The incorporation of ginseng into commonly used everyday tools such as rice cakes, dining tables, decorations, matches, and fans suggests that ginseng was considered a talisman symbolizing health and longevity, kept close as a wish for good fortune. Rice cakes, often presented at ceremonies like ancestral rites, 60th-anniversary celebrations, weddings, and birthdays, had ginseng patterns carved into them as a way for our ancestors to inscribe the spirit and health-symbolizing ginseng onto the food. In family communities, ginseng patterns are frequently found on utensils related to eating, such as chopsticks, spoons, tea cups, and trays. Among the various folklore related to ginseng being passed down, the most prevalent are anecdotes illustrating its efficacy. Ginseng, gifted and exchanged as a symbol of gratitude in letters and poems, goes beyond being a mere medicinal herb to embody friendship and blessings. The symbolism of ginseng, as revealed in everyday objects, artworks, poems, and letters, can be summarized as follows: 1. In folklore and legends, ginseng symbolized filial piety offered to parents. 2. It represented gratitude sent to respected teachers and close friends. 3. Ginseng depicted on daily objects and artworks not only showcased aesthetics but also played a magical role in symbolizing longevity and well-being. Ginseng patterns on items like rice cake molds and dining tables embody the spirit of a caring community, wishing for longevity and prosperity."

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.14-23
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• 2014

The purpose of this study is to contribute in building credibility of the methodology of the appearance of the traditional colors and the interpretation of the meaning of those appearances by analyzing the spatial construction and configuration and the traditional colors that appear in spatial elements about the scenery component that appear in Seyeonjeong. We conducted a literature research about the traditional colors, the background of the creation of Seyeonjeong, and etc. For the contents for the empirical analysis, we took the scenery and space elements in the poems, such as Eobusasisa and O-u-ga, and the contents of poems related to ojeongsaek (five Korean traditional colors) based on the Yin-Yang and the Five Elements ideology Particularly, after dividing the spatial elements appearing in Seyoenjeong into visual, synesthetic, symbolic/cognitive spatial element, we further distinguished the visual space into positions and directions of the of the spaces and the scenery of the season; the synesthetic space into seasons, time and five senses; and the symbolic/cognitive space into chiljeong (or the seven passions) and sadan (or the four clues). Then we carried out the study by analyzing the correlation between the intention of the garden creation and the meaning of the spaces, through the analysis of ojeongsaek system for each spatial element. Firstly, spatial structure and format that appear in Seyeonjeong can be divided into two directional axes of southeast and northwest according to the flat form of the Seyeongjeong's rectangular palace, with Seyeongjoeng as the center. Secondly, in spatial component element, the frequencies of appearance of the traditional colors of Seyoenjeong are 33.2% for white, 20.8% for blue, 20.8% for black, 18.7% for red and 6.3% for yellow. Thirdly, based on the analysis of the traditional colors the most frequent appearance of 'white' left a room for interpretation like the creation of Seyeonjeong was to enjoy secular living without lingering political feelings so that the high mountains remain clear and clean. Also, the predominant frequency of appearance of blue, similar frequency of appearance of black and red, and the least frequent appearance of yellow is in agreement with or can be at least interpreted related to Yun Seon-do's intention for creating Seyeonjeong not for political rank or power but as a place to enjoy nature, through which he can build on his knowledge, and to lead rest of his life as a noble being through plays, like dancing and writing poems. Fourthly, these interpretations of the analysis of the frequency of appearance of the traditional colors of Seyeongjong shows the reliability, validity, and consistency of the methodology of the analysis of the frequency of appearance of the traditional colors and the interpretation of the meanings in the context that the color white appears most frequently in Soswewon as well and that the background life of the Soswewon's creator Yangsanbo can be interpreted in a similarly way. Above all, this study is significant from the fact that we proposed a theory about the method of analysis and interpretation of the traditional colors in a traditional landscape space. Moreover, there is a great significance of discovering that traditional colors appear in traditional spaces and this can be used as a methodological framework to interpret things like, intention for creation of (buildings/architectures).

• The Journal of Natural Sciences
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• v.7
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• pp.133-162
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• 1995

Paderborn's companies, Wameling and Cassau, produce the liturgical vestments, which have much traditional artistic merit. And Kevelaerer Fahnen + Paramenten GmbH, located in Kevelater which is a place of pilgrimage of the Virgin Mary, was known to Europe, Africa, America and the Scandinavia Peninsula as the "Hidden Company" of liturgical vesments maker up to now. Paderborn and Kevelaer were the place of the center of the religious world and the Catholic ceremony during a good few centries. The Catholic liturgical vestiments of these 3 companies use versatile design, color, shape and techniques. These have not only the symbolism of religion, but also can meet our's expectations of utilization of modern textile art, art clothing and wide-all division of design. These give the understanding of symbolic meanings and harmony according to liturgical vestments to the believers. And these have an influence on mental thinking and induction of religious belief to the non-believers as the recognition and concerns about the religious art. The liturgical vestments are clothes which churchmen put on at the all ceremonial function of a mass, a sacrament, performance and a parade according to rules of church. These show the represen-tation of "Holy God" in silence and distinguish between common people and churchmen. And these represent a status and dignity of churchmen and induce majesty and respect to churchmen. Common clothes of the beginning of the Greece and Rome was developed to Christian clothes with the tendency of religion. There were no special uniforms distinguished from commen people until the Christianity was recognized officially by the Roman Emperor Constantinus at A.D.313. The color of liturgical vestments was originally white and changed to special colors according to liturgical day and each time by the Pope Innocentius at 12th century. The color and symbolic meaning of the liturgical vestments of present day was originated by the Pope St. Pius(1566-1572). Wool and Linen was used as decorations and materials in the beginnings and the special materials like silk was used after 4th century and beautiful materials made of gold thread was used at 12th century. It is expected that there is no critical changes to the liturgical vestments of future. But the development of liturgical vestments will continues slowly by the command of conservative church and will change to simple and convenient formes according to the culture, the trend of the times and the fashion of clothes. The companies of liturgical vestments develop versatile design, embroidery technique and realization of creative design for distinction of the liturgical vestments of each company and artistic progress. The cooperation of companies, artists and church will make the bright future of these 3 companies. We expect that our country will be a famous producing center of the liturgical vestments through the research and development of companies, participation of artists in religeous arts and concerts of church.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.46-56
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• 2012

The research results of tracing the Landscape Philosophy of Hageowon garden(何去園) in Musu-dong, Daejon of Youhwadang, Kwon, Iijin(權以鎭, 1668-1734) is as below. The ideological background of the protagonist reflected in Hageowon is the Hyoje Ideology(filial piety and brotherly love, 孝弟) of Sinjongchuwon(painstakingly caring for one's ancestors), Musil ideology(pursuing ethical diligence and truthful mind, 務實) based on sadistic tradition and ethical rationalism, Confucionist Eunil Ideology(ideology on seclusion, 隱逸) of Cheonghanjiyeon(quiet relaxation, 淸閒之燕), and the Pungryu ideology(appreciation for the arts, 風流) of Taoism in the Taoist style. Thus, by substituting these ideological values into a space called Hageowon, the Byulup gardens(別業) such as the Symbolic garden(象徵園), meaning gaeden(意園), and miniascape garden(縮景園) were able to be constructed. 2) The space organization system of Hageowon is generally classified into three phases considering the hierarchy. The first territory is the transitional space having residential features, which is an area to reach peach tree - road(Taoist world 桃經) from Youhwadang(有懷堂). The second territory is a monumental memorial space where the Yocheondae(繞千臺), Jangwoodam(丈藕潭), Hwagae(花階), and the ancestral graves take place, centering on the yards of Sumanheon(收漫軒), and the third territory is the secluded space in the eastern outer garden where the mountain stream flows from the north to south and which is the vein of the left-hand blue dragon(靑龍) of the guardian mountain of Hageowon. 3) Symbolically, the first phase has symbolized the space as a meaningful scenery by overlapping the Confucionist place of Youhwadang - Gosudae(孤秀臺) - Odeokdae(五德臺), and the mystic world of Jukcheondang(竹遷堂) - peach tree - road(桃徑). The second phase, which is the space of Sumanheon(收漫軒), Yocheondae, and Jangwoodam, the symbolical value of Sinjongchuwon(愼終追遠) and the remembrance and longing for one's parents are reflected. The third phase, which is the eastern outer garden of Hageowon and where the mountain stream flows from the north to south, is composed of the east valley(東溪) - Hwalsudam(活水潭) - Sumi Waterfall(修眉瀑布). More specifically, (1) Mongjeong symbolizes the life of gaining knowledge through studying to realize one's foolishness, (2) Hwalsudam symbolizes a transcending attitude in life refusing to pursue wealth and fame, and (3) Jangwoodam symbolizes the gateway to the fairyland to enter the world of mystic gods. 4) The rationale behind Hageowon is that the two algorithms of Confucionism and Taoist Theory appear repeatedly and in an overlapping way. The Napoji(納汚池) and Hwalsudam, which pertains to the prelude of space development, has symbolized Susimyangseong(修心養成, meditating one's mind and improving one's nature), which is based on ethical rationalism. Moreover, if the Monjeong sphere pertaining to the eastern outer garden of Hageowon takes the Confucionist value system as its theme, including moral training, studying, and researching, Jangwudam, Sumi Waterfalls, and Unwa can be understood as a taste of Cheokbyeon(滌煩, eliminating troubles) for the arts where the mystic world is substituted as a meaningful scenery. 5) The miniascape technique called artificial mountain was substituted to Hageowon to construct a mystic world like the 12 peaks of Mt. Mu(巫山). By borrowing the symbolic meaning expressed in old poems, it has been named 'Habang(1/何放), Hwabong(2, 3/和峯), Chulgun(4, 5, 6/出群), Sinwan(7/神浣), Chwhigyu(8, 9, 10/聚糾), Cheomyo(11/處杳), Giyung(12/氣融).' The representative poet reciting artificial mountain were Wangeui(汪醫), Nosamgang(魯三江), Dubo(杜甫), Hanyou(韓愈), Jeonheaseong(錢希聖), and Beomseokho(范石湖). They related themselves with literature by transcending time and space and attempted to sing about the richness of the mental world by putting the mystic world and culture of appreciating the arts they pursued in the vacation home called Hageowon.

• Journal of the Korean Society of School Health
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.77-98
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• 1996

This studies designed to work out a theoretical framework on the experience of sexual abuse from the perspective of grounded theory in an effort to provide more practical and efficient nursing intervention for female victims. The subcategories identified were "sexual abuse", "threatening", "absent mindness", "embarrassment", "horripilation", "dizziness", "wondrousness", "filthiness", "sexual curiosity", "violence level", "victim's age", "neighbors response", "victims personality", "common experience", "sexual abuse information", "family relations", "level of familiarity", "hiding", "suppression", "self-torture", "self-protection", "avoidance", "asking aid", "withdrawal", "hatred", "confusion", "dodging, "remmant", and "pursuing". The 29 subcategories given above were further integrated into 16 categories such as "victimizedness", "being astounded", "filthiness", "degree", "developmental stage", "response pattern", "personality", "rarity", "information availability", "family support", "cover-up", "escaping", "informing", "negative internalization", and "positive pursuit of change". The core categories linked to all the other categories turned out to be "being taken aback" and "filthiness" incorporating the relevant subcategories. A total of 23 theoretical hypothesis emerged in the process of analyzing data. 1. the grater sexual curiosity, the weaker the senses of being taken aback and filthiness. 2. The weaker sexual curiosity, the stronger the senses of being taken aback and filthiness. 3. The stronger the level of violence, The more violent the senses of being taken aback and filthiness. 4. The lower the level of violence, the weaker the senses of being taken aback and filthiness. 5. The younger the victims, the stronger the senses of being taken aback and filthiness. 6. The older the victims, The weaker the senses of being taken aback and filthiness. 7. 'Escaping' will transpire regardless of the given circumstances. 8. The weaker the senses of being taken aback and filthiness, the more probable 'informing' and 'escaping' transpire. 9. The stronger the senses of being taken aback and filthiness, the more probable 'informing' and 'escaping' transpire. 10. The more protective the response from 'informing' and 'escaping' transpire around, the more likely the response to being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'informing' and 'escaping'. 11. The more repelling the response from around, the more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'covering-up' and 'escaping'. 12. The more open minded the personality of the subject, the more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'informing' and 'escaping'. 13. The more closed the personality of tile subject, the more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'covering-up' and 'escaping'. 14. The more frequent the experience of sexual abuse, the more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'informing' and 'escaping'. 15. The less frequent the experience of sexual abuse, the more lilely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'covering-up' and 'escaping'. 16. The more available information concerning sexual abuses, the more likely response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'informing' and 'escaping. 17. The less available information concerning sexual abuses, the more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'covering-up' and 'escaping'. 18. The more cohesive the family of the subject, the more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'informing' and 'escaping'. 19. The less cohesive the family of the subject, the more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'covering-up' and 'escaping'. 20. The less familiar the subject is with the abuser, the more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'informing' and 'escaping'. 21. The less familiar the subject is with the abuser, the more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'covering-up' and 'escaping. 22. The more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' is 'informing and 'escaping', the more positive changes the subject will pursue. 23. The more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' is 'covering-up' and 'escaping', the more negative changes the subject will pursue. The following four hypotheses were conformed in the process of data analysis. 1) In case the level of violence is strong but 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' in weak because of strong sexual curiosity and also if information concerning sexual abuse is not readily available and the frequency is low, negative internationalization marked by 'covering-up' and 'escaping' will take place despite the fact the subject is open-minded, the family is cohesive and the abuser is unfamiliar. 2) In case the level of violence is weak but 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' is weak combined with weak sexual curiosity and also if information concerning sexual abuse is readily available and the response from around is protective and the frequency is high, the subject will pursue positive changes to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness', further aided by the fact that the subject is open-minded, the family is cohesive and the abuser is unfamiliar. 3) In case the level of violence is strong and 'being taken abuse' and 'filthiness' is strong because of weak sexual curiosity and also if information concerning sexual abuse is reading available and the response from around is readily available and the response from around is protective and the frequency is low, the subject will persue positive changes marked by 'informing' and 'escaping' despite the fact that the family cohesion is weak and the abuser is familiar. 4) In case the level of violence is strong and 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' is strong because of weak sexual curiosity and also if information concerning sexual abuse is not readily available and the response from around is respelling and the frequency is low negative internalization like 'covering-up' and 'escaping' will take place, further aggravated by the fact that the subject's personality is closed, family cohesion is weak, and subject is familiar. On the basis of the above finding, it is recommended that nursing intervention should focus on promoting the milieu conductive to the victims pursuing positive changes along with the adequate aids from protection facilities as well as from the people around them.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.60-79
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• 2012

Environment of ancient Chinese Buddhist temple can be classified to three types such as regional society(鄕村), famous mountain(名山), and urban areas(都市). This made differences in environment where a temple existed and in turn, affected development of Buddhism. And this made another type in relationship between Buddhist temple and a society. This study explains influences which regional society gave on not only Buddhist temple and a monk but also existence and development of Buddhism. When temples are placed in different environmental position, that is, urban areas and regional society, among a social structure, they eventually should adapt to a different society externally and internally. As told in above, ancient Chinese Buddhist temple was located in regional society, famous mountain, and urban areas. Since Eastern Jin and Sixteen Kingdoms, as number of temple much increased, and temples and monks were concentrated on famous mountain, temples in famous mountains and urban areas had developed showing similar aspects each other. But because temples in regional society were influenced a little differently, this study focused on the point. There are four kinds of influences between temples and monks in regional areas. Monks in regional areas had a comparatively close relationship with a society because they came from same area or surrounding areas. Therefore,powers of regional areas restrict influences made by monk group in temple. Second, temples in regional areas shared their joys and sorrows depending on regional economy. Temples in regional areas became a public place for the society and often a market place. In fact, construction and existence of a temple originally became a driving force in regional economy. This is because construction of temple needs artisans and materials and some temples had visitors and included market economy like consumption of incense and candles, though the economic size was large or small. And when regional areas experienced natural disaster or man-made disaster or had poor harvest or economy was in depression, monks left temples and then, temples themselves could not exist. Third, the relationship between temples in regional areas and Buddhists was distinguished from the temples in urban areas and famous mountains. This is because temples in China were places where monks practiced and at the same time, places where general Buddhists worshipped. So there were always a number of Buddhists around the temples. Forth, Buddhism in resional areas was connected to regional Folk beliefs. As a result, Buddhism was spread across the nation, worship with local color often was changed to Buddhist belief or was tinged with Buddhism. While temples in regional areas maintained a close relationship with regional society.they were influenced by the region or gave influences. As a representative example, temples in regional areas showed model behaviors instead of roles of facilities related to various cultures with comparatively advanced level - for example, school, hospital etc. The temples highly affected funerary rites in regional areas. Chinese tombs were mainlymade in regional areas. After death,people living in urban areas were buried in hometown or at least, they were buried in suburbs not urban areas. Temples in regional areas generally participated in funerary rites. Above shows that though most of famous Buddhist temples were located in urban areas not in famous mountains,majority of temples were located in vast regional areas. Through mutual interaction between temples and regional society, the temples in the regional areas were related to Chinese people of over 90% and regional areas became the most important foundation for Buddhism in China. Mutual influences between temples in regional areas and the general public in regions were omnidirectional and spreaded to every aspects of social life in small or large degree. Thus Tombs in temple were widely spreaded across regional areas over time and space. This is enough to explain a close relationship between Buddhist temples and rural society in ancient China.