• 제목/요약/키워드: jang

검색결과 60,035건 처리시간 0.097초

Study on the Anti-bacterium, Antioxidant and Anti-inflammatory Effect of Calystegia pubescens Lindl. Extracts (메꽃(Calystegia pubescens Lindl.) 추출물의 항균, 항산화 및 항염증 효과에 관한 연구)

  • Ji-A Byeon;Un-Gyo Shin;Ye-Jin Jang;Su-Bin Hwang;Seon-A Lee;Gayeon Kim;Jin-Tae Lee;Ildae Song;Yong-Jin Kwon
    • Journal of the Korean Applied Science and Technology
    • /
    • 제41권3호
    • /
    • pp.745-755
    • /
    • 2024
  • Calystegia pubescens Lindl. (C. pubesens) is a native Korean herb that has been traditionally used for its diuretic, fatigue, and blood sugar-lowering effects. In previous studies, C. pubesens has shown antioxidant and whitening effects, but research on its antibacterial and anti-inflammatory properties is limited, and its potential as functional materials is lacking. In this study, we investigated the antibacterial, antioxidant, and anti-inflammatory effects of leaf (CPL) and stem (CPS) extracts of C. pubesens extracted with 70% ethanol. When the anti-bacterial effect was confirmed, CPL showed superior anti-bacterial effect than CPS for C. acne, S. aureus, E. coli and P. aeruginosa. Additionally, CPL exhibited significantly higher antioxidant activity compared to CPS, as demonstrated by DPPH and ABTS+ radical scavenging assays. Therefore, CPL showed superior anti-bacterial and antioxidant effects compared to CPS. Based on these results, further investigation was conducted to confirm the anti-inflammatory effect of CPL using RAW264.7 macrophages. Nitric oxide (NO) produced by lipopolysaccharide (LPS) stimulation was significantly reduced by CPL treatment in a dose-dependent manner. Additionally, the protein and mRNA expression of iNOS was reduced by CPL in LPS-indueced RAW264.7 cells, which was consistent with NO production. In conclusion, this study confirmed that CPL has superior anti-bacterial and antioxidant effects compared to CPS, and demonstrated anti-inflammatory effect of CPL via inhibiting iNOS expression and NO production induced by LPS. Based on the result, we suggest the potential of CPL as a valuable functional materials.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
    • /
    • 제22권1호
    • /
    • pp.19-48
    • /
    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

  • PDF

Evaluation of CH4 Flux for Continuous Observation from Intertidal Flat Sediments in the Eoeun-ri, Taean-gun on the Mid-western Coast of Korea (서해안 태안 어은리 갯벌의 연속관측 메탄(CH4) 플럭스 특성 평가)

  • Lee, Jun-Ho;Rho, Kyoung Chan;Woo, Han Jun;Kang, Jeongwon;Jeong, Kap-Sik;Jang, Seok
    • Economic and Environmental Geology
    • /
    • 제48권2호
    • /
    • pp.147-160
    • /
    • 2015
  • In 2014, on 31 August and 1 September, the emissions of $CH_4$, $CO_2$, and $O_2$ gases were measured six times using the closed chamber method from exposed tidal flat sediments in the same position relative to the low point of the tidal cycle in the Eoeun-ri, Taean-gun, on the Mid-western Coast of Korea. The concentrations of $CH_4$ in the air sample collected in the chamber were measured using gas chromatography with an EG analyzer, model GS-23, within 6 hours of collection, and the other gases were measured in real time using a multi-gas monitor. The gas emission fluxes (source (+), and sink (-)) were calculated from a simple linear regression analysis of the changes in the concentrations over time. In order to see the surrounding parameters (water content, temperature, total organic carbon, average mean size of sediments, and the temperature of the inner chamber) were measured at the study site. On the first day, across three measurements during 5 hours 20 minutes, the observed $CO_2$ flux absorption was -137.00 to $-81.73mg/m^2/hr$, and the $O_2$ absorption, measured simultaneously, was -0.03 to $0.00mg/m^2/hr$. On the second day using an identical number of measurements, the $CO_2$ absorption was -20.43 to $-2.11mg/m^2/hr$, and the $O_2$ absorption -0.18 to $-0.14mg/m^2/hr$. The $CH_4$ absorption before low tide was $-0.02mg/m^2/hr$ (first day, Pearson correlation coefficient using the SPSS statistical analysis is -0.555(n=5, p=0.332, pronounced negative linear relationship)), and $-0.15mg/m^2/hr$ (second day, -0.915(n=5, p=0.030, strong negative linear relationship)) on both measurement days. The emitted flux after low tide on both measurement days reached a minimum of $+0.00mg/m^2/hr$ (+0.713(n=5, p=0.176, linear relationship which can be almost ignored)), and a maximum of $+0.03mg/m^2/hr$ (+0.194(n=5, p=0.754, weak positive linear relationship)) after low tide. However, the absolute values of the $CH_4$ fluxes were analyzed at different times. These results suggest that rate for $CH_4$ fluxes, even the same time and area, were influenced by changes in the tidal cycle characteristics of surface sediments for understanding their correlation with these gas emissions, and surrounding parameters such as physiochemical sediments conditions.

Crystal Structures of $Cd_6-A$ Dehydrated at $750^{\circ}C$ and Dehydrated $Cd_6-A$ Reacted with Cs Vapor ($750^{\circ}C$ 에서 탈수한 $Cd_6-A$의 결정구조와 이 결정을 세슘 증기로 반응시킨 결정구조)

  • Se Bok Jang;Yang Kim
    • Journal of the Korean Chemical Society
    • /
    • 제37권2호
    • /
    • pp.191-198
    • /
    • 1993
  • The crystal structures of $Cd_{6-}A$ evacuated at $2{\times}10^{-6}$ torr and $750^{\circ}C$ (a = 12.204(1) $\AA$) and dehydrated $Cd_{6-}A$ reacted with 0.1 torr of Cs vapor at $250^{\circ}C$ for 12 hours (a = 12.279(1) $\AA$) have been determined by single crystal X-ray diffraction techniques in the cubic space group Pm3m at $21(1)^{\circ}C.$ Their structures were refined to final error indices, $R_1=$ 0.081 and $R_2=$ 0.091 with 151 reflections and $R_1=$ 0.095 and $R_2=$ 0.089 with 82 reflections, respectively, for which I > $3\sigma(I).$ In vacuum dehydrated $Cd_{6-}A$, six $Cd^{2+}$ ions occupy threefold-axis positions near 6-ring, recessed 0.460(3) $\AA$ into the sodalite cavity from the (111) plane at O(3) : Cd-O(3) = 2.18(2) $\AA$ and O(3)-Cd-O(3) = $115.7(4)^{\circ}.$ Upon treating it with 0.1 torr of Cs vapor at $250^{\circ}C$, all 6 $Cd^{2+}$ ions in dehydrated $Cd_{6-}A$ are reduced by Cs vapor and Cs species are found at 4 crystallographic sites : 3.0 $Cs^+$ ions lie at the centers of the 8-rings at sites of $D_{4h}$ symmetry; ca. 9.0 Cs+ ions lie on the threefold axes of unit cell, ca. 7 in the large cavity and ca. 2 in the sodalite cavity; ca. 0.5 $Cs^+$ ion is found near a 4-ring. In this structure, ca. 12.5 Cs species are found per unit cell, more than the twelve $Cs^+$ ions needed to balance the anionic charge of zeolite framework, indicating that sorption of Cs0 has occurred. The occupancies observed are simply explained by two unit cell arrangements, $Cs_{12}-A$ and $Cs_{13}-A$. About 50% of unit cells may have two $Cs^+$ ions in sodalite unit near opposite 6-rings, six in the large cavity near 6-ring and one in the large cavity near a 4-ring. The remaining 50% of unit cells may have two Cs species in the sodalite unit which are closely associated with two out of 8 $Cs^+$ ions in the large cavity to form linear $(Cs_4)^{3+}$ clusters. These clusters lie on threefold axes and extend through the centers of sodalite units. In all unit cells, three $Cs^+$ ions fill equipoints of symmetry $D_{4h}$ at the centers of 8-rings.

  • PDF

Comparative evaluation of radiation exposure in radiation-related workers (방사선 작업종사자의 피폭선량 비교 평가)

  • Baek, Seong-Min;Jang, Eun-Sung
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Radiology
    • /
    • 제5권4호
    • /
    • pp.195-200
    • /
    • 2011
  • The purpose of this study is to investigate the dose of radiation exposure to radiation-related workers in a hospital setting, thus increasing awareness of the health risk to the radiation-related workers. The result of the analysis showed the average dose of radiation exposure to radiation-related workers in hospital K was $0.75{\pm}0.26mSv$ in 2008, $0.67{\pm}0.30mSv$ in 2009, and $0.92{\pm}0.33mSv$ in 2010. The average dose of radiation exposure in hospital P was $0.43{\pm}0.13mSv$ in 2008, $0.43{\pm}0.20mSv$ in 2009, and $0.33{\pm}0.85mSv$ in 2010. The average dose of radiation exposure in hospital K by age group was 13.39mSv for age 20 to 29, 8.37mSv for age 30 to 39, 1.19mSv for age 40 to 49, 0.28mSv for age 50 to 59, and 0.32mSv for age 60 to 69 The average dose of radiation exposure in hospital P by age group was 0.33mSv for age 20 to 29, 1.41mSv for age 30 to 39, 0.83mSv for age 40 to 49, 1.66mSv for age 50 to 59, and 1.12mSv for age 60 to 69. Moreover, the average radiation exposure to radiation-related workers over 3 year period by gender group in hospital K was $2.92{\pm}1.03mSv$ for male group and $0.94{\pm}0.93mSv$ for female group. The average radiation exposure over 3 year period by gender group in hospital P was $0.66{\pm}0.18mSv$ for male group and $1.80{\pm}0.60mSv$ for female group. Persons working in diagnostic radiology department received mean of $1.65{\pm}1.54mSv/year$, mean $1.17{\pm}0.82mSv/year$ in radiation oncology, mean $1.79{\pm}1.42mSv/year$ at nuclear medicine department and mean $0.99{\pm}0.51mSv/year$ at other departments. Radiation exposure was higher than that of other departments(p<0.05). Doctors and technologists received higher radiation exposure (mean $1.75{\pm}1.17mSv/year$, $1.60{\pm}1.39mSv/year$ each) than other workers(p<0.05). Measurement and evaluation of radiation exposure in radiation-related workers should be widely conducted accurately and consistently in the radiation-related occupational setting so that people in these occupational settings are more aware of the risk from radiation exposure, and thus give more attention and caution to decrease radiation exposure. It would be essential to minimize accumulated radiation dose in the radiation-related occupational setting in order to maintain and improve the health of radiation-related workers.

Estimation of SCS Runoff Curve Number and Hydrograph by Using Highly Detailed Soil Map(1:5,000) in a Small Watershed, Sosu-myeon, Goesan-gun (SCS-CN 산정을 위한 수치세부정밀토양도 활용과 괴산군 소수면 소유역의 물 유출량 평가)

  • Hong, Suk-Young;Jung, Kang-Ho;Choi, Chol-Uong;Jang, Min-Won;Kim, Yi-Hyun;Sonn, Yeon-Kyu;Ha, Sang-Keun
    • Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
    • /
    • 제43권3호
    • /
    • pp.363-373
    • /
    • 2010
  • "Curve number" (CN) indicates the runoff potential of an area. The US Soil Conservation Service (SCS)'s CN method is a simple, widely used, and efficient method for estimating the runoff from a rainfall event in a particular area, especially in ungauged basins. The use of soil maps requested from end-users was dominant up to about 80% of total use for estimating CN based rainfall-runoff. This study introduce the use of soil maps with respect to hydrologic and watershed management focused on hydrologic soil group and a case study resulted in assessing effective rainfall and runoff hydrograph based on SCS-CN method in a small watershed. The ratio of distribution areas for hydrologic soil group based on detailed soil map (1:25,000) of Korea were 42.2% (A), 29.4% (B), 18.5% (C), and 9.9% (D) for HSG 1995, and 35.1% (A), 15.7% (B), 5.5% (C), and 43.7% (D) for HSG 2006, respectively. The ratio of D group in HSG 2006 accounted for 43.7% of the total and 34.1% reclassified from A, B, and C groups of HSG 1995. Similarity between HSG 1995 and 2006 was about 55%. Our study area was located in Sosu-myeon, Goesan-gun including an approx. 44 $km^2$-catchment, Chungchungbuk-do. We used a digital elevation model (DEM) to delineate the catchments. The soils were classified into 4 hydrologic soil groups on the basis of measured infiltration rate and a model of the representative soils of the study area reported by Jung et al. 2006. Digital soil maps (1:5,000) were used for classifying hydrologic soil groups on the basis of soil series unit. Using high resolution satellite images, we delineated the boundary of each field or other parcel on computer screen, then surveyed the land use and cover in each. We calculated CN for each and used those data and a land use and cover map and a hydrologic soil map to estimate runoff. CN values, which are ranged from 0 (no runoff) to 100 (all precipitation runs off), of the catchment were 73 by HSG 1995 and 79 by HSG 2006, respectively. Each runoff response, peak runoff and time-to-peak, was examined using the SCS triangular synthetic unit hydrograph, and the results of HSG 2006 showed better agreement with the field observed data than those with use of HSG 1995.

Study on Forage Cropping System Adapted to Soil Characteristics in Reclaimed Tidal Land (간척지 토양특성에 알맞은 사료작물 작부체계 연구)

  • Yang, Chang-Hyu;Lee, Jang-Hee;Kim, Sun;Jeong, Jae-Hyeok;Baek, Nam-Hyun;Choi, Weon-Young;Lee, Sang-Bok;Kim, Young-Doo;Kim, Si-Ju;Lee, Gyeong-Bo
    • Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
    • /
    • 제45권3호
    • /
    • pp.385-392
    • /
    • 2012
  • This study was conducted to find out the optimum cropping system for the stable production of forage crops in the newly reclaimed land located at Gwanghwal and Gyehwa region of Saemangum reclaimed tide land from October, 2009 to October, 2011. Whole crop barley (WCB), Rye, Italyan-ryegrass (IRG) as winter crops and Corn, Sorghum${\times}$sudangrass hybrid (SSH) as summer crops were cultivated. Soil chemical properties, nutrient uptake, feed value, growth and yield were examinated. The testing soil was showed saline alkali soil where the contents of organic matter, available phosphate and exchangeable calcium were very low, while exchangeable sodium and magnesium were higher. Changes of soil salinity during the growing season of forage crops were less than 0.2%, and the growth of forage crops was not affected by salt injury. Standing rates of winter crops were higher in the order of Rye, WCB, and IRG, while the dry matter yield of winter crops was higher in the order of IRG, Rye and WCB. The highest crude protein (CP) content was recorded in IRG, and total digestive nutrients (TDN) contents were increased in the order of WCB, IRG, and Rye. The TDN content was higher in corn, whereas other feed value was higher in SSH. The content of mineral nutrients on stem, leaf and grain in IRG, Corn were high. After experiment pH was lowed, contents of exchangeable magnesium, sodium and organic matter were decreased while contents of total nitrogen, available phosphate and exchangeable potassium, calcium were increased. Winer crops and summer crops after continually cultivating in cropping system, fresh matter yield increased, compared to WCB-Corn (74,740 kg $ha^{-1}$), IRG-SSH 10%, IRG-Corn 7%, Rye-SSH 6%, Rye-Corn and WCB-SSH 3%. Dry matter yield increased, compared to WCB-Corn (20,280 kg $ha^{-1}$), IRG-SSH 7%, Rye-SSH 6%, IRG-Corn/Rye-Corn/WCB-SSH 3%. The TDN yield increased, compared to WCB-Corn (13,830 kg $ha^{-1}$), IRG-SSH 2%, WCB-SSH and IRG-Corn 1%. Therefore, we suggest that the crop combination of IRG-SSH and WCB-SSH would be preferred for silage stable production.

Effect of Nutrient Solution Strength on Growth, Fruit Quality and Yield of Strawberry 'Ssanta' in Hydroponics (배양액의 농도가 딸기 '싼타'의 생육, 수량 및 과실의 품질에 미치는 영향)

  • Jun, Ha Joon;Byun, Mi Soon;Liu, Shi Sheng;Jeon, Eui Hwan;Park, So Deuk;Chae, Jang Hee
    • Journal of Bio-Environment Control
    • /
    • 제21권3호
    • /
    • pp.192-198
    • /
    • 2012
  • Experiments were conducted to investigate the optimum concentration of nutrient solution in hydroponics for strawberry 'Ssanta' bred at Gyongsangbuk-do Agricultural Research & Extension Services. Nutrient solutions for strawberry, which made by Yamazaki, were supplied EC (Electrical Conductivity) 0.6, 0.8, 1.2, and $1.8dS{\cdot}m^{-1}$ after planting on cocopeat medium during experiment period. Growth of shoot of strawberries did not show statistical differences among treatments. Fruit length showed the longest in EC $0.8dS{\cdot}m^{-1}$ in all clusters. In the second flower cluster, fruit length showed longer in EC 0.8 and $1.2dS{\cdot}m^{-1}$ than EC 0.6 and $1.8dS{\cdot}m^{-1}$. In the third flower cluster, it showed the longest in EC 0.8 and $1.2dS{\cdot}m^{-1}$, followed by 0.6 and $1.8dS{\cdot}m^{-1}$. The longest was in EC $0.8dS{\cdot}m^{-1}$ and the shortest in EC $1.8dS{\cdot}m^{-1}$ in the fourth flower cluster. Fruit diameter did not show significant differences among treatments, but longest in EC 0.8 and $1.2dS{\cdot}m^{-1}$ in all clusters. The heaviest mean fruit weight appeared in EC $0.8dS{\cdot}m^{-1}$ in all flower clusters. And heavier in EC $1.2dS{\cdot}m^{-1}$ in the second and third clusters. Also the weight was significantly light in plants grown in EC 0.6 and $1.8dS{\cdot}m^{-1}$ in the second and third cluster. Soluble solids of fruit was the highest in EC $0.6dS{\cdot}m^{-1}$ in all clusters. As the results, we came to the conclusion that the optimum EC for strawberry 'Ssanta' was EC $0.8{\sim}1.2dS{\cdot}m^{-1}$ in this experiment.

Dietary Behavior Related to Salty Food Intake of Adults Living in a Rural Area according to Saline Sensitivity (농촌 지역의 중년이후 성인의 염분 민감도에 따른 짠 음식 섭취 관련 식행동)

  • Kim, Mi-Kyoung;Han, Jang-Il;Chung, Young-Jin
    • Journal of Nutrition and Health
    • /
    • 제44권6호
    • /
    • pp.537-550
    • /
    • 2011
  • This study was conducted to identify behavioral characteristics of salty food intake according to saline sensitivity of adults living in a rural area. Anthropometry and blood pressure were measured and salt intake-related dietary behavior was surveyed by questionnaires through interviews with 402 subjects aged ${\geq}$ 40 years in Chungcheongbuk-Do, Korea. The percentages of overweight and obese among the subjects were 37.8% and 3.8% respectively. Mean blood pressure of the subjects was in the normal range, but the distribution of subjects who were normotensive, high normal, and hypertensive was 48.7%, 17.7%, and 33.6% respectively. Approximately 27% of all subjects habitually consumed salty food, which was the smallest group, followed by 38.1% normal and 35.1% not-salty food. However, 34.6% of the eldest group of ${\geq}$ 65 years consumed salty food. The saline insensitive group showed a higher percentage of irregular meals, overeating, speed-eating, an unbalanced diet, a preference for fried food, and habitual intake of salty foods. These subjects recognized the risk for eating salty food, but they lacked the will to reduce their salty food intake. Compared to spouses and family members, experts such as doctors, nurses, and dieticians were the most influential for reducing the salty food intake of subjects. Saline sensitive group had relatively better control over salty food intake at every meal, eating out, and even when eating salty food that the spouse preferred. The saline sensitive group ate more frequently vegetables and fruits, whereas the saline insensitive group ate more frequently hot spicy foods. In conclusion, the results suggest that it is necessary to establish a social atmosphere toward reducing salt intake at the level of the government and food industry and to set action plans to be available for nutrition education programs to reduce salt intake nationwide.

Effect of Feeding Whole Crop Barley Silage- or Whole Crop Rye Silage based-TMR and Duration of TMR Feeding on Growth, Feed Cost and Meat Characteristics of Hanwoo Steers (청보리 사일리지 TMR 또는 청호밀 사일리지 TME 급여 및 급여기간이 거세 한우의 증체, 사료비 및 육질특성에 미치는 효과)

  • Jin, Guang Lin;Kim, Jong-Kyu;Qin, Wei-Ze;Jeong, Jun;Jang, Sun-Sik;Sohn, Yong-Suk;Choi, Chang-Won;Song, Man-Kang
    • Journal of Animal Science and Technology
    • /
    • 제54권2호
    • /
    • pp.111-124
    • /
    • 2012
  • Feeding trial was conducted with 80 Hanwoo steers (7.5 months of age, 204.4 kg body weight) for 680 days from growing period to late fattening period to examine the feeding value of whole crop barley silage TMR (BS-TMR) and whole crop rye silage TMR (RS-TMR) on body gain, feed cost, slaughter characteristics and quality characteristics of $longissimus$ $dorsi$ muscle. Dietary treatments were conventional separate feeding of concentrate and rice straw (control), feeding BS TMR up to middle fattening period and same diet as for control during late fattening period (BS-TMR I), feeding BS-TMR for whole experimental period (BS-TMR II), feeding RS TMR up to middle fattening period and same diet as for control during late fattening period (RS-TMR I) and RS TMR for whole experimental period (RS-TMR II). Sixteen castrated calves were assigned to each treatment (4 pens, 4 heads per pen). Pens in each treatment were randomly distributed. Feeding both BS silage TMR and RS silage TMR slightly increased body gain of Hanwoo steers at the stages of growing and early fattening, and increased (P<0.0001) at middle fattening compared to feeding control diet while control diet tended to increase body gain at late fattening stage compared to feeding BS-TMR I, BS-TMR II and RS-TMR I diets. Total body gain was slightly increased in Hanwoo steers fed both I and II for BS and RS TMR compared to that in control diet. Feed cost per kg gain per head was relatively low in the Hanwoo steers fed silage TMRs to that fed control diet. Carcass weight, back fat thickness and $longissimus$ $dorsi$ area of Hanwoo steers tended to increase but lowered (P<0.047) yield index by feeding silage TMRs. Feeding BS TMR slightly decreased marbling score but no difference was found in the number of head over grade 1 between diets. Control diet tended to improve yield grade compared to silage TMRs. Chemical composition, water holding capacity, drip loss, cooking loss and pH, color and fatty acid composition of $longissimus$ $dorsi$ were not affected by experimental diets and feeding duration of silage TMRs. Shear force, however, was increased (P<0.046) by silage TMRs without difference between them compared to control diet. Based on the results of the current study, BS TMR and RS TMR could improve body gain and reduce feed cost without deteriorating meat quality compared to separate feeding of concentrate and rice straw. Overall feeding value was similar between BS TMR and RS TMR.