• Journal of Sasang Constitutional Medicine
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.22-37
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• 2021

Objectives The purpose of this study is to examine the characteristics of the experience prescription in 『Donguisusebowon(東醫壽世保元)』. Methods We examined the examples of the experience prescription in the pathology of 『Donguisusebowon』. Afterward, we considered the characteristics about the experience prescription of Junggyeong Jang and the Next Generation Doctors in 『Donguisusebowon』. Results and Conclusion 1. The Junggyeong Jang's experience prescription isn't modified despite the fact that it doesn't fit the constitutional disease and pharmacology, and many experience prescriptions are mentioned to in the pathology of 『Donguisusebowon』. But the Next Generation Doctors's experience prescription is modified, and a considerable number of experience prescriptions are not mentioned to in the pathology of 『Donguisusebowon』. 2. Jema Lee cited all of the Junggyeong Jang's experience prescription except Daesiho-tang(大柴胡湯) as an explanation for the constitutional disease, and cited a prescription that could not be used for the constitutional disease. And the pathological symptom of the Junggyeong Jang's experience prescription was used to establish the system of the Sasang Constitutional Medicine, so the Junggyeong Jang's experience prescription wasn't modifed. 3. Jema Lee cited a prescription that could be used for the constitutional disease. And the pharmacology of the Next Generation Doctors's experience prescription was used to establish the system of the Sasang Constitutional Medicine, so the Next Generation Doctors's experience prescription was modifed. 4. Jema Lee established the Sasang Constitutional Medicine based on the Existing Medicine. It was appeared in composition and name about the table of contents of the experience prescription in 『Donguisusebowon』.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.101-125
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• 2021

This paper aims from various angles to examine the context of the problem situations that Jang Woo-Jae describes from contemporary korean society, to examine which chance of thinking is in this case given to the audience, and to examine whether through the plays in the theater this chance of thinking can be referred to public opinion. This study considers not only the contribution of Jang's thought experiment that is connected to the dramaturgical function including the aspects of dramatic form and content to dramatic effects for the audience, but also the possibility of an arrangement for a new way of thinking by the audience. Thus, Jang's thought experiment should be understood in connection with the whole message of his plays. And this study researches, how an new attention to the public nature of common world, which should be demanded for the sake of a mature civil society comes into existence within the point of contention in every play based on Jang's thought experiment. Finally this paper inspects through Jang's plays the possibility of contribution of performing art to contemporary korean society, and takes account of self-examination in meta-dimension of the theater regarding the role and meaning for the sake of human being and gemeinschaft.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.38
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• pp.153-182
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• 2021

The Buddhist monk, Kim Ji-jang (金地藏), a native of Silla, is still revered as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva in China. In Chinese Buddhism, Kim Ji-jang's becoming Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is unique in at least two ways. First, it is said that his becoming the bodhisattva originated not in Silla, but in China, a foreign country. Second, it is said that the historical person became regarded as a mythical being, Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva. The process of Kim Ji-jang's becoming Bodhisattva can be divided into three periods. The first period is the period of entering and practicing at Mount Jiuhua in China, and this also includes the period wherein he was first revered as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva. The second period begins immediately after Kim Ji-jang's death and ends three years later. In this period he became regarded as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva. The third period spans three years after his death to the present age. His status as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva carries on at present. There are two main causes for Kim Ji-jang's transformation into the bodhisattva. The first is an internal bodhisattva process. According to Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva's main vow, Kim Ji-jang's practice and edification impressed the public. The second is an external bodhisattva process. The miracles that appeared at the time of his death or the manifestation of the incorruptible relics three years after his death played a decisive role in the process of Kim Ji-jang becoming a bodhisattva. In line with the public's devotion, the Chinese imperial family repaired and supported the temple that enshrined the relics of Kim Ji-jang. Various factors could be analyzed in the process of Kim Ji-jang's becoming Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva, but more than anything else, it was Kim Ji-jang's severe ascetic practices and his virtuous edification of others.

• The Korean Journal of Food And Nutrition
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• v.28 no.5
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• pp.835-848
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• 2015

In the past, Korea had many kinds of jeupjang (succulent jang), a rapidly maturing original Korean jang (fermented soybean paste) of which there is no record in Chinese cookbooks. However, this local delicacy has almost been forgotten. Therefore, we looked for information about jeupjang in cookbooks written prior to the Joseon Dynasty in Korea (1392~1910) and in the 1950s. Among the recipes, there were 34 jeupjangs prepared with vegetables, such as eggplant and cucumber, and 9 without. The main ingredients of jeupjang are soybean, bran (wheat crust), and barley, and wild wheat is also used. Jeupjang is made in small portions to expedite its rapid maturation, but the most common form is egg-shaped, and there is also a flat or round, hilt-shaped version. In most cases, jeupjang consists of a mixture of meju powder (moldy soybean), water, and salt. Other ingredients can include nuruk (moldy bran), bran, wheat flour, an alcoholic beverage, maljang (dried fermented soybeans), ganjang (liquid soy sauce), malt, and takju (Korean murky wine). Jeupjang meju can be fermented in a vessel, most widely in baskets made of straw (sum and dungumi) or willow or interwoven twigs (chirung), but jars can also be used. The leaves of the paper mulberry are generally used for the mat and cover, but straw or leaves of the sumac, mulberry, or pine tree, soy, and fallen leaves are also used. Unlike other jangs, jeupjang is matured at $60^{\circ}C$ to $65^{\circ}C$, using heat emitted from the decomposition of horse dung, haystacks, or manure. Jeupjang became defunct or was transformed into jeomjang, jiraejang, mujang, paggeumjang, makjang, jipjang, and tojang. These jangs differ from jeupjang in that they use rice, malt, or hot pepper powder.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.462-467
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• 2007

Volatile components of six commercial $sauces(A{\sim}F)$ and $\hat{O}yuk-jang$(G, H), a Korean traditional fermented sauce, were analyzed by electronic nose based on GC with surface acoustic wave(SAW) sensor. The obtained data were used for pattern recognition and a visual pattern called a $VaporPrint^{TM}$, derived from the frequency and chromatogram of the GC-SAW sensor. Volatile components of sauces and $\hat{O}yuk-jang$ were well discriminated with the direct use of $VaporPrint^{TM}$. Commercial sauces and $\hat{O}yuk-jang$ showed different volatile patterns, respectively, due to different major material, which meju, beef extract, pickled anchovies, and Katsuobushi were used. Volatile components of Oyuk-jang were decreased drastically during the fermentation time. After boiling $\hat{O}yuk-jang$, new several peaks were found. The responses by electronic nose were used for principal component analysis. The PCA plot showed that volatile components pattern were well discriminated by first principal component score(proportion: 96.8%), and first principal component score of $\hat{O}yuk-jang$ was between soy sauce of the liquid extracted from beef and sauce of pickled anchovies.

• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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• v.1
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• pp.36-73
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• 2024

The Tomb of Jang Mui located in Bongsan-gun, Hwanghae-do Province has attracted much attention since its first investigation due to the inscribed bricks found there that have allowed the guessing of the name and official title of its occupant and construction date. Inscriptions on these bricks, such as the "Prefect of Daebang Commandery Jang Mui" and the "Mu" (戊, the fifth sign of the Chinese calendar), and "Sin" (申, the ninth sign of the Chinese zodiac), have become the basis for believing the location of the government office of Daebang Commandery to be in Bongsangun, Hwanghae-do Province rather than somewhere in the Hangang River region. From the early days of its investigation, the tomb was suggested as historic remains of the Daebang Commandery along with the Earthen Fortress in Jitap-ri. Inscribed bricks excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui were featured in several books and articles in the form of photographs and rubbings, leading to a vast body of studies on its construction period and the characteristics of its occupant that drew upon interpretations of the inscriptions. However, the inscribed bricks themselves were not publicly available outside those held in the collection of the University of Tokyo, making it difficult to expect consistent research findings on the types of inscribed bricks and their contents. Following previous studies re-examining the structure of the tomb and the materials used for its construction, most scholars dated the Tomb of Jang Mui to 348, a period after the collapse of Daebang Commandery. However, there is still a lack of adequate examination of the bricks, which account for the majority of the artifacts excavated from the tomb. Among the bricks excavated from most brick chamber tombs, including the Tomb of Jang Mui, only those with inscriptions or designs have been collected. Moreover, among these, only those with inscriptions or designs on the stretcher faces have been documented. Accordingly, the bricks themselves have been notably understudied. This paper intends to reorganize the contents of the inscriptions on eleven types (out of sixty-one pieces) of bricks in the collection of the National Museum of Korea, which make up the majority of the bricks excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui. It also classified them according to their shapes. Furthermore, it examined the bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui as architectural materials by focusing on their production techniques, including their forming, drying, and firing. Taking a more specific approach, it then compared the results to other bricks from the second century through the fourth century: those from the brick chamber tombs of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies and those from the brick chamber tombs built after Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies were ousted. The examination of bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui has revealed that these bricks were basically produced using the brick manufacturing techniques of Nangnang, but they incorporated new elements found in bricks from brick chamber tombs or brick-and-stone chamber tombs constructed around the mid-fourth century in terms of their size, the use of lime, and the number of inscribed bricks. This supports the prevailing view that the date of the construction of the Tomb of Jang Mui is 348. The Tomb of Jang Mui sustained the existing brick chamber tomb burial tradition, but its ceiling was finished with stone. It demonstrates a blending of the brick chamber tomb practice of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies by using bricks produced based on related techniques, but with new elements such as the addition of a lime layer to the bricks. This fusion reflects the political circumstances of its time, such as the expulsion of the Daebang Commandery and the advance of the Goguryeo Kingdom, leading to diverse interpretations. Given archaeological evidence such as the structure, materials, and location of the tomb, the Tomb of Jang Mui appears to be highly related to the Goguryeo Kingdom. However, the forms of the inscribed bricks and the contents of the inscriptions share similarities with brick chamber tombs constructed during the third and fourth centuries in the Jiangsu and Zhejiang regions in China. Further studies on whether the use of lime was an influence from Goguryeo or a continuation of the Daebang tradition and a comparative examination with contemporaneous stone ceiling tombs will provide a more refined understanding of the Tomb of Jang Mui.

• 한국ITS학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2008.11a
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• pp.301-308
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• 2008

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Precision Engineering Conference
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• 2007.11a
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• pp.93-94
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• 2007

• Journal of Korean Medical Ki-Gong Academy
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.70-109
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• 2006

• 전기의세계
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• v.64 no.2
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• pp.20-26
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• 2015