• 가정과삶의질연구
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• 제19권4호
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• pp.49-68
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• 2001

The purpose of this study was 1) to review communal housing in the UK, 2) to consider the policy implications for elderly communal housing in Korea. The research methods used were 1) literature review about communal housing and related policy in the UK 2) field survey in the UK 3) interpretative suggestion for the proper policy implication to develope communal housing for the elderly in Korea. Sheltered housing in the UK had been developed as communal housing for the elderly with special needs since the 1970s. The type of sheltered housing were category 1 and category 2. Very sheltered housing with more facilities and meal services was added in 1980s. Sheltered housing was evaluated as the most humanistic solution for older people in the UK in 1980s. Because of the policy of moving institutional care to community care, sheltered housing became less in demand because of more options for older people including being able to stay in their own home. So new completion of sheltered housing by registered social landlords reduced saliently. Sheltered housing already totalled over half million units in which 5% of all elderly over 65 still lived and a small quantity of private sector for sale schemes emerged in the 1990s. The reason why the residents moved to sheltered housing was for sociable, secure, and manageable living arrangements. In general the residents were satisfied with these characteristics but dissatisfied with the service charge and quality of meals, especially in category 2.5 schemes. The degree of utilisation of communal spaces and facilities depended on the wardens ability and enthusiasm. Evaluation of sheltered housing indicated several problems such as wardens duty as a \"good neighbour\" ; difficult-to-let problems with poor location or individual units of bedsittiing type with shared bathroom ; and the under use of communal spaces and facilities. Some ideas to solve these problems were suggested by researchers through expanding wardens duty as a professional, opening the scheme to the public, improving interior standards, and accepting non-elderly applicants who need support. Some researchers insisted continuing development of sheltered housing, but higher standards must be considered for the minority who want to live in communal living arrangement. Recently, enhanced sheltered housing with greater involvement of relatives and with tied up policy in registration and funding suggested as an alternative for residential care. In conclusion, the rights of choice for older people should be policy support for special needs housing. Elderly communal housing, especially a model similar to sheltered housing category 2 with at least 1 meal a day might be recommended for a Korean Model. For special needs housing development either for rent or for sale, participation of the public sector and long term and low interest financial support for the private sector must be developed in Korea. Providing a system for scheme managers to train and retrain must be encouraged. The professional ability of the scheme manager to plan and to deliver services might be the most important factor for the success of elderly communal housing projects in Korea. In addition the expansion of a public health care service, the development of leisure programs in Senior Citizens Centre, home helper both for the elderly in communal housing and the elderly in mainstream housing of the community as well. Providing of elderly communal housing through the modified general Construction Act rather than the present Elderly Welfare Act might be more helpful to encourage the access of general people in Korea. in Korea.

• 대한지리학회지
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• 제30권2호
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• pp.132-145
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• 1995

지금 우리나라가 지향하고 있는 '지방화를 통한 $\ulcorner$세계화$\lrcorner$ 발전전략'은 하향식 개 발패러다임과 상향식 개발패러다임의 통합이 전제되어야 한다. 본 연구는 기든스(A. Giddens)의 $\ulcorner$구조화이론(structuration theory)$\lrcorner$을 토대로 이들 상반된 양대 개발패러다임 을 통합하고 이에 입각해서 지방발전 개발전략을 논구하고자 한다. 통합적개발 패러다임이 란 세계자본주의체계의 확대, 심화 과정인 하향식 개발패러다임을 $\ulcorner$발전$\lrcorner$ 혹은 $\ulcorner$종속$\lrcorner$ 둘 중 하나인 것으로만 규정짓는 이원론적 인식에서 부터 그것을 $\ulcorner$구조화이론$\lrcorner$에 입각된 그대로 인식하는 것, 즉 그것을 세계자본주의 중심국가로서는 발전으로 보지만 주변국으로 서는 사안에 따라 종속으로 볼 수 있다는 일원론적 인식에로의 구조적 전환이다. 따라서 주 변국이 발전을 성취하기 위한 핵심적 과제는 먼저, 발전이란 단독.고립적 현상이 아니라 세계의 '체계 현상'이고 또 종속은 실제적 현실임이 $\ulcorner$구조의 이중성$\lrcorner$ 매카니즘의 학적 내 면화를 토대로 인식되어야 한다. 그리고 이러한 인식 위에서 휴머니즘에 입각된 생동감 넘 치는 정치가 이루어지는 정의로운 지역사회를 만들어 경제를 그러한 국가 혹은 지역사회의 정치적 권위 '밑에' 두고 한편으로 지역민의 $\ulcorner$자력(empowerment)$\lrcorner$과 $\ulcorner$능력 (capacitation)$\lrcorner$을 증강시켜야 한다. 지방화시대의 개발전략에는 이러한 통합적 패러다임의 실천적 과제가 효율적으로 달성될 수 있는 구체적인 지리공간정책이 포함되어야 한다.

• 한국토양비료학회지
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• 제15권2호
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• pp.128-140
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• 1982

저위(低位) 생산답중(生産畓中)에서 분포면적(分布面積)이 가장 넓고 개량(改良)의 효과(効果)가 큰 사질답(砂質畓)의 분포상태(分布状態) 및 실용적(実用的) 분류(分類)와 더불어 현재(現在) 널리 쓰이고 있는 답류형별(畓類型別) 분류체계(分類体系)의 개선(改善)을 위한 사질답(砂質畓) 유형분류(類型分類) 시안(試案)을 시도(試圖)하여 본 결과(結果)는 다음과 같다. 1. 현재(現在) 이용(利用)되고 있는 기준(基準)에 의(依)한 사질답(砂質畓)의 잠재생산력(潜在生産力)은 보통답(普通畓)의 86%이었고 생산력(生産力)의 변이정도(変異程度)가 커서 유형재분류(類型再分類)의 필요성(必要性)이 있었다. 2. 현재(現在) 이용(利用)되고 있는 답유형(畓類型) 구분기준중(区分基準中) "사질답(砂質畓)"은 토성(土性)이 사질(砂質)이더라도 습답(湿畓)인 경우(境遇)와 염농도(塩濃度)가 높은 경우(境遇)에는 제외(除外)되고 있으므로 "객토대상지(客土対象地)" 추천(推薦)이 복잡(複雜)하고 제염(除塩)되거나 배수조건(排水條件) 변화시(変化時)에 유형(類型)을 변경분류(変更分類)해야 하였다. 3. 본(本) 연구(硏究)에서 제안(提案)한 사질답분류(砂質畓分類) 시안(試案)에서는 토성(土性)이 사질(砂質)인 모든 답토양(畓土壌)을 포함(包含)시켰으며 수량(收量)에 영향(影響)이 큰 특성(特性)을 기준(基準)하여 개(個)의 아형(亜型)(산화용탈형(酸化溶脫型) 사질답(砂質畓); 건답형(乾畓型), 산화환원중간형(酸化還元中間型) 사질답(砂質畓); 반습답형(半湿畓型), 환원집적형(還元集積型) 사질답(砂質畓); 습답형(湿畓型), 환원염해형(還元塩害型), 사질답(砂質畓), 염해형(塩害型))으로 재분(再分)하였고 각아형(各亜型)은 토성계별(土性系別)로 토양통(土壌統)과 연결(連結)할 수 있었다. 그러므로 시안(試案)의 분류단계(分類段階)는 형(型)(사질답(砂質畓))-아형(亜型)(4개(個))-토성계(土性系)(5등급(等級))-토양통(土壤壌)(48개통(個統))으로 되었다. 4. 시안(試案)과 같이 사질습답(砂質湿畓)과 사질염해답(砂質塩害畓)을 사질답(砂質畓)의 일부(一部)에 포함(包含)시켜 생산력(生産力)의 변이정도(変異程度)를 검정(検定)해 본 결과(結果)는 현행(現行) 체계(体系)에 의(依)한 것보다 개선(改善)되엇다. 5. 전국(全国)의 사질답(砂質畓) 면적(面積)은 409,902ha로서 총(総) 답면적(畓面積)의 32.3%에 해당(該当)되며 시안(試案)대로 분류(分類)하면 38.9%(492,982ha)에 달(達)하였고 절대면적(絶対面積)이 많은 지역(地域)은 경기(京畿)(88,923ha), 전북(全北)(69,717ha), 경북(慶北)(55,390ha) 순(順)이었고 답면적(畓面積) 전체(全体)에 대(対)한 상대적(相対的) 비율(比率)이 높은 지역(地域)은 강원(江原)(58.9%), 경기(京畿)(50.5%), 충북(忠北)(48.5%), 전북(全北)(41.0%)의 순(順)이며 시안(試案)에 의(依)하면 사질답(砂質畓) 면적(面積)은 더욱 높아져서 강원도(江原道)의 경우(境遇)에는 71.4%가 사질질답(砂質質畓)에 해당(該当)되었다. 6. 사질답(砂質畓)은 답토양(畓土壌) 적성등급(適性等級)의 3급지(級地)(69.1%)와 4급지(級地)(29.2%)에 대부분(大部分)이 해당(該当)되었으며 3급지중(級地中)에서는 "3사질(砂質)"(53.3%), 4급지중(級地中)에서는 "4경사(傾斜)"(16.0%)에 해당(該当)하는 토양(土壌)이 가장 많았다. 토성계(土性系)(Texture family)별(別)로는 사양질계(砂壌質系)(Coarse loamy family)가 59.2%로 대부분(大部分)이었고 징사(徵砂) 사양질계(砂壌質系)(Coarse silty)인 것도 전체(全体)의 16.1%에 달(達)하였다. 7. 시안(試案)에 의(依)한 사질답(砂質畓) 아형별(亜型別) 면적(面積)은 반습답형(半湿畓型) 사질답(砂質畓)(酸化還元中間型)이 49.6%(245,012ha)로 가장 많았고 그 다음으로 건답형(乾畓型) 사질답(砂質畓)(산화용탈형(酸化溶脫型))이 33.5%(64,890ha)이었고 습답형(湿畓型)(14.0%)과 염해형(塩害型)(2.9%)도 그 분포면적(分布面積)은 83,081ha에 달(達)하였다.

• 미술이론과 현장
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• 제1호
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• pp.109-144
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• 2003

Orientalness is a concept that expresses the collective identity of the Orient in relation to the West. The concept itself is mutable and defined by the relationship between the two regions at different points in time. Changes in the concept depend on a number of factors, such as cultural influence, the political balance of power between the two regions, and on the interpretative scheme that defines the relationship. In addition, the geographical notion of the concept evolves culturally, socially and politically. During this process, Oriental-ness becomes Oriental-ism at times. I will attempt to survey and measure the progression of Orientalness from its emergence in early 17th century to its subsequent transformation in modern Korea as reflected in art theory and art works. The recognition of the comparative characteristics of Oriental art began when the Orient was exposed to the art of the West in the late Ming dynasty during the early 17th century. The changes in the artistic climate in China affected the late Chosun. I will start with a brief introduction of this time and the birth of Orientalness. The concept gradually changed during the period of Enlightenment(開化期) towards the end of the 19th century, and during the colonial period( 1910-1945) it took on a new form. Establishment of the concept of "Orient"as a single, unifying concept spanning across cultures and national boundaries has been attributed to late Meiji period Japan, whose intention at that time is believed to have been to build a pan-Asia(亞細亞) empire with Japan at its commanding center. It has been stressed that the real motive behind the formation of one single cultural unit, where the shared common written language was Chinese and Confucianism and Taoism were the common metaphysical traditions, was to build one political unit. When the notion of a geographical unit of Asia was replaced by the concept of Asia as a cultural and political unit, a massive growth of interest and discourse were provoked around the concept of Orientalism. When Orientalism was being formulated, Korea automatically became member of "one Asia" when the country became colonized. For Koreans, the identity of the Orient had to be defined in cultural terms, as the political notion of a nation was non-existent at that time. The definition of identity was pursued at two levels, pan-Asian and local. If Orientalism was an elite discourse centered in pan-Asian philosophical and religious tradition, localized Orientalism was a popular discourse emphasizing locality as the byproduct of natural geographic condition. After the liberation in 1945 from colonial rule, a thrust of movement arose towards political nationalism. Two types of discourses on Orientalism, elite and popular, continued as central themes in art. Despite the effort to redefine the national identity by eradicating the cultural language of the colonial past, the past was enduring well into the present time. As discussed above, even when the painting themes were selected from Korean history, the tradition of using history painting as a manifestation of political policy to glorify the local identity had its founding during the Meiji period. The elevation of folk art to the level of high art also goes back to the colonial promotion of local color and local sentiment. Again, the succession of the past (colonial) ideal was defended as the tradition assumed a distinct modern shape that was abstract in style. The concept of the "Orient" is of relative and changing nature. It was formulated in relation to Western culture or civilization. Whatever the real motive of the adoption of them had been, the superiority of the Orient was emphasized at all times. The essence of the Orient was always perceived as the metaphysical tradition as a way to downgrade Western culture as materialistic. This view still prevails and the principle of Orient was always sought in Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. Even when Orientalism was employed by imperialist Japan in an effort to establish her position as the center of the Orient, the spiritual source was still in Chinese philosophy and religion. In art also, the Chinese literati tradition became the major platform for elite discourse. Orientalism was also defined locally, and the so-called local color was pursued in terms of theme and style. Thus trend continued despite the effort to eradicate the remnants of colonial culture long after liberation. These efforts are now being supported politically and also institutionalized to become the aesthetic ideal of the modern Korean art.