• 제목/요약/키워드: internal political economy

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내부정치경제요인이 관계성과에 미치는 영향에 관한 연구 - 신뢰 차원과 결속 차원의 매개효과를 중심으로 - (A Study of The Effects of Internal Political Economy on Relational Performance: focused on Mediating Effects of the Dimensions of Trust and Commitment)

  • 성민;오세조
    • 한국유통학회:학술대회논문집
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    • 한국유통학회 2006년도 동계학술대회 발표논문집
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    • pp.43-78
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    • 2006
  • 유통경로 관리에서 관계의 질 변수인 신뢰와 결속이 장기적인 관계를 유지하는데 핵심 매개변수임에도 불구하고, 기업의 내부정치경제 활동과 관계성과사이에서 각각의 차원이 어떻게 상이한 영향을 미치는지에 대한 연구는 이루어지지 않고 있다. 본 연구는 자동차 본사와 대리점의 관계성을 검토하는 것을 기본 목적으로 하며, 자동차 본사에 대한 대리점의 신뢰 차원과 결속 차원이 본사의 내부정치 경제 변수들과 대리점의 관계성과사이에서 어떻게 상이한 매개효과가 있는지를 파악하고, 대리점의 관계성과를 향상시키기 위해 어떠한 메커니즘이 필요한 지를 밝히는 것이 주요 목적이다. 이를 위하여 국내 한 자동차 제조업체에 소속된 대리점의 점장 115명을 대상으로 자료를 수집 분석한 결과, 본사의 내부정치경제 변수들이 신용과 결속 차원을 통해 대리점의 관계성과에 정(+)의 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 또한, 본사에 대한 대리점의 호의가 결속 차원에 상이한 영향을 미치는 것으로 밝혀졌다. 본 연구는 요즘과 같이 고객 지향적 유통혁신과 대리점에 대한 관계관리가 절실히 요구되는 자동차 제조업체에게 대리점과의 장기적인 관계를 유지하고 발전시키기 위한 필수조건인 신뢰와 결속을 형성하고 관계성과를 향상시키기 위해 어떠한 관리적 측면의 노력이 필요한지를 제시할 수 있을 것이다.

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대형 종합건설사의 녹색건설 동기유발요인에 관한 연구 - 정치경제 접근법을 중심으로 - (A Study on Motivators of Green Construction of Major Contractors based on the Political Economy Approach)

  • 김재희;김한수
    • 한국건설관리학회논문집
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    • 제14권3호
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    • pp.97-106
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    • 2013
  • 최근 건설산업은 녹색건설(Green Construction)이라는 새로운 도전에 직면하고 있다. 본 연구에서는 "건설기업으로 하여금 녹색건설을 추진하게 하는 동인(動因)은 무엇인가?"라는 연구 질문(Research Question)을 설정하여 녹색건설을 추진하게 하는 동기유발요인을 도출하고 주요 특징과 시사점을 분석하였다. 연구 범위는 대형 종합건설사로 설정하였으며 정치경제 접근법을 연구방법론으로 채택하였다. 대형 종합건설사는 미래시장인 녹색건설에 대해 높은 관심을 보이고 있는 것으로 나타났으며, 녹색건설시장의 시대적 사회적 흐름에 주목하며 경제적 요인들을 중요시하고 있었다. 특히 동기유발요인 중 내부 경제적 요인이 중요하게 작용하며 최고경영진의 의지가 이를 유발시키는 중요한 동력으로 나타났다.

Китай и глобальное лидерство (China and global leadership)

  • Mikheev, Vasily;Lukonin, Sergey;Ignatev, Sergei
    • 분석과 대안
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    • 제1권2호
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    • pp.31-43
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    • 2017
  • The article is devoted to the theoretical and practical analysis of Chinese global leadership. The concept of leadership is applied as a methodology, which involves identifying the main factors, such as strategic power, the attractiveness of political institutions, the ability to provide acceptable ideas and the presence of allies that contribute to a comprehensive analysis of the country's leadership potential. The authors also describe the relevance of Chinese global leadership and analyze its domestic, economic and international causes. Moreover, the ''Belt and Road'' initiative is defined as the main mechanism for providing the influence of China on the global level which is now being changed its quantitative component, namely the increasing attention to the security aspects of this initiative. In addition to that, it is important to note that China maintains its economic and political positions in Africa, Central Asia and South-East Asia. Africa has a special role in the Chinese ''Belt and Road'' initiative as a recipient of Chinese investments and a site for the deployment of China's naval facilities to protect the trade routes. On the regional level, China will strive to become a leader of the trade and economic processes in the Asia-Pacific region, the South China Sea and the North Korea nuclear program issues. The American factor in modern international relations, namely so-called "Trump factor", which means the U.S. withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Paris Agreement, will cause demand for Chinese leadership in the Asia-Pacific region and in the world as well. However, in this case a number of questions arise: is China prepared for this? Is Beijing able to bear greater responsibility? Does China have the potential for this? The article concludes that China will not become global leaders in the next 20-30 years, because of internal (political reforms) and foreign policy reasons (doctrinal formulation of foreign policy initiatives, military-political and economic power, international posture and relations with other states). The authors believe that the implementation of Chinese leadership is possible not on the condition of confrontation between China and the United States, but on the establishing of constructive relations between these countries. The last meeting between Trump and Xi Jinping showed a trend for creating channels for dialogue between Beijing and Washington, which can become the basis for interaction. An important place in the work is given to the analysis of development and forecasting the evolution of Russian-Chinese and U.S.-China relations. As for Russia, Moscow should conduct a policy that will not allow it to become a ''junior partner'' of China.

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Railway Governance and Power Structure in China

  • Lee, Jinjing
    • International Journal of Railway
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    • 제1권4호
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    • pp.129-133
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    • 2008
  • Over the last $15{\sim}20$years, many countries have adopted policies of railway privatization to keep up with increasing competition from road and air transport. Although each country and case has its own history, market characteristics, political context as well as administrative process, railway privatizations (including railway restructure, concession etc.) in the west usually are accompanied with the establishment of new regulatory regimes. Therefore, railway governance has been innovating towards an interaction of government, regulator, industry bodies, user groups, trade unions and other interested groups within the regulatory framework. However, it is not the case in China. Although China had seen a partial privatization in some branch lines and is experiencing a much larger-scale privatization by establishing joint-ventures to build and operate high-speed passenger lines and implementing an asset-based securitization program, administrative control still occupies absolutely dominant position in the railway governance in China. Ministry of Railway (MOR) acts as the administrator, operator as well as regulator. There is no national policy that clearly positions railway in the transportation network and clarifies the role of government in railway development. There is also little participation from interested groups in the railway policy making, pricing, service standard or safety matter. Railway in China is solely governed by the mere executive agency. Efficiency-focused economic perspective explanation is far from satisfaction. A wider research perspective from political and social regime is of great potential to better explain and solve the problem. In the west, separation and constrains of power had long been established as a fundamental rule. In addition to internal separation of political power(legislation, execution and jurisdiction), rise of corporation in the 19th century and association revolution in the 20th century greatly fostered the growth of economic and social power. Therefore, political, social and economic organizations cooperate and compete with each other, which leads to a balanced and resonable power structure. While in China, political power, mainly party-controlled administrative power has been keeping a dominated position since the time of plan economy. Although the economic reform promoted the growth of economic power of enterprises, it is still not strong enough to compete with political power. Furthermore, under rigid political control, social organizations usually are affiliated to government, independent social power is still too weak to function. So, duo to the limited and slow reform in political and social regime in China, there is an unbalanced power structure within which political power is dominant, economic power expanding while social power still absent. Totally different power structure in China determines the fundamental institutional environment of her railway privatization and governance. It is expected that the exploration of who act behind railway governance and their acting strength (a power theory) will present us a better picture of railway governance as a relevant transportation mode. The paper first examines the railway governance in China and preliminarily establishes a linkage between railway governance and its fundamental institutional environment, i.e. power structure in a specific country. Secondly, the reason why there is no national policy in China is explored in the view of political power. In China, legislative power is more symbolic while party-controlled administrative power dominates political process and plays a fundamental role in Chinese railway governance. And then, in the part three railway finance reform is analyzed in the view of economic power, esp. the relationship of political power and economic power.

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동남아시아의 민주화 이후 '개발'과 '인권'의 갈등적 공존: 시민사회의 시각 (The Confrontational Co-existence of Development and Human Rights after Democratic Transition in Southeast Asia: A Civil Society Perspective)

  • 박은홍
    • 동남아시아연구
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    • 제19권2호
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    • pp.173-218
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    • 2009
  • Bring this analysis down to people-centered development perspective and looking through democratization in the Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia, we find similarities and differences among them related with the intensity of conflicts between development and human rights in the process of democratization in line with global transformation. Civil society in the Philippines criticized the developmental path in the Philippines which failed to implement land reform and eradication of poverty under the transition from 'patrimonial oligarchy' to democracy. In Thailand the coalition of military and the royalists had consolidated its power since Sarit military regime, which later paved the way 'hybrid oligarchy' era. Most Thai civil society organizations has regarded their developmental experience rather as 'maldevelopment' which disregarded economic and social rights. It has been especially believed by Thai localists that the stimulation of local markets and the building of autonomic community society will form the alternative economy without going against the conservative banner of nation, religion and king. Thaksin as a populist successfully took advantage of Thai localist ethos in favour of taking the seat of power. He projected himself as a modernizer focused on economic growth and cleaner politics. However Thaksin's procedural legitimacy was overthrown by counterattacking from military-royalist alliance, pretexting that Thaksin caused internal conflicts and lacked morality. Soeharto's New Order regime which can be called 'administrative oligarchy' had an antipathy towards notions of economic and social rights as well as civil and political rights. In spite of the fact that the fall of Soeharto opened the political space for democratic civil society organizations which had long struggled with development aggression and human rights abuses, there have been continuously a strong political and military reaction against human rights activists, NGOs and ethnic minorities such as Aceh and Papua. Nevertheless, Indonesian democracy is more promising than Philippine's and Thai democracy in terms of comparatively less pre-modern legacies.

國家理論과 空間經濟에의 國家干涉 (Theories of the state and the state intervention in space economy)

  • 고태경
    • 대한지리학회지
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    • 제29권3호
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    • pp.281-296
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    • 1994
  • 자본주의 사회의 공간구조를 파악하기 위해서는 경제적, 사회적, 그리고 정치적 구 조에 대한 이해가 불가피하다. 내적인 경제, 사회, 정치 현상은 공간구조에 외적으로 그대로 반영되고 있으며, 표면적으로 드러난 공간구조 현상을 설명하기 위해서는 그것에 영향을 주 는 여러 과정들을 구조적으로 파악해야 한다. 자본주의 국가에서 국가는 직.간접으로 공간 경제에 작용하고 지역 불균등 발전에 일조하고 있다. 본 연구에서는 다음과 같은 문제점들 을 제기하고자 한다. 첫째, 경제구조에서의 국가의 역할은 무엇이고 국가 자체가 안고 있는 문제점은 무엇인가\ulcorner 둘째, 공간구조에서의 국가의 역할은 무엇인가\ulcorner 그리고 셋째, 공간형성 에 있어서 가장 직접적으로 영향을 미치고 있는 도시정부를 비롯한 지방정부에서의 도시개 발이나 지역개발정책들은 어떻게 형성되고, 그러한 정책들이 공간에 미치는 영향은 무엇인 가\ulcorner 자본주의 국가의 본질을 파악하기 위하여 국가이론에 관한 여러 쟁점들을 검토하여 보 고, 미국을 사례로 조절론자들의 논의를 배경으로 국가정책과 관련한 도시정책 변화와 그에 따른 도시 및 지역의 불균등 발전을 역사적으로 살펴보고자 하는 것이 본 연구의 목적이다.

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러시아의 유라시아 전략과 한·러 협력 - 지방자치단체 간 경제협력을 중심으로 - (Russia's Eurasian strategy and Korea-Russia Cooperation - With reference to the economic cooperation of the inter-local governments -)

  • Park, Sangnam
    • 분석과 대안
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    • 제3권1호
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    • pp.5-28
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    • 2019
  • This study suggests that Korea - Russia economic cooperation, which has been sluggish in the meantime, should be revitalized as a small, medium sized business that can be practiced at the local level of both countries. Some large scales of national projects were difficult to realize due to some internal and external factors. Therefore, if Russia's Far East region of the complementary economic structure with the Korea's Gyeonggi Province of Korea could form the basis of cooperation by centering on SMEs, it further can be positive for promoting cooperation among South Korea, North Korea and Russia. The trilateral cooperation among two Koreas and Russia is necessary for the balance of political and economic powers in the East Asia. China's retaliation case regarding THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Area Defense) clearly showed that the greater the economic dependence on a particular country, the more threatening it could be. Therefore, it is important for the political and economic security to keep the balance by diversifying economic cooperation counterparts. As China's influence in the global economy grows, building value chains for mutual prosperity with various neighboring countries is gaining great importance. To this end, this paper examined Russia's Eurasian Strategy, New East Policy, and Far East Development Policy which were designed to seek the way to establish Russia's independent economic zone not absorbed by Europe and China.

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말레이시아 2016: 위기의 지속과 기회의 상실 (Malaysia in 2016: Deepening Crisis and Losing Opportunities)

  • 황인원;김형종
    • 동남아시아연구
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    • 제27권1호
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    • pp.131-161
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    • 2017
  • 2016년 말레이시아 정치과정은 여권의 위기로 형성된 정권교체의 기회가 야권의 분열로 인해 상실되는 형국이었다. 나집(Najib) 총리를 둘러싼 1MDB 스캔들은 2013년 총선이후 야당의 지지세 상승과 더불어 수평적 정권 교체에 유리한 정치지형을 제공했다. 그러나 야권은 고질적인 분열상을 심화시키며 정치적 호재를 상실하고 있다. 이는 권위주의 통치세력의 위기에서 비롯된 민주화의 기회를 야권의 내부 분열로 인해 상실하는 정치발전의 왜곡 현상으로 풀이된다. 정치적 혼란은 경제문제를 심화시키는 한편 외교의 국내정치 도구화라는 부정적 결과를 초래하고 있다. 나집 정권에 대한 신뢰도 하락은 외환위기 이후 가장 심각한 수준의 링깃 가치의 하락을 낳았으며, 수출감소 등 주요 경제지표도 악화되었다. 친중국 행보, 로힝자 사태에 대한 적극적 개입이 이루어졌는데 그 이면에는 국내 정치 스캔들을 만회하고자하는 정치적 의도가 강하게 작용했다. 2017년 초기 총선이 예견되는 상황에서 야권의 분열이 지속될 경우 국가 핵심 리스크 관리의 적기를 놓칠 수 있다는 우려가 제기 된다.

베트남 2017: 경제, 정치, 대외관계의 현황과 전망 (Vietnam in 2017: The Situations and Prospects of Economics, Politics, and International Relations)

  • 채수홍;이한우
    • 동남아시아연구
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    • 제28권1호
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    • pp.21-51
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    • 2018
  • 이 글은 최근 베트남 사회에서 일어난 변화를 몇 가지로 나누어 설명하고자 한다. 첫째, 베트남의 세계경제로의 통합과 자본주의화를 이상적인 것으로 상정하고 작성된 각종 보고서와 논문을 활용하여 2017년 베트남 경제의 특징적 변화를 소개한다. 둘째, 베트남의 자본주의로의 이행을 보는 서로 다른 시각을 포괄하면서 베트남 경제의 최근 변화와 위기를 중장기적으로 평가하고, 전망하고, 진단하고자 한다. 셋째, 최근 대두된 정치적, 사회적 이슈를 놓고 공산당 내부에서 벌이고 있는 정치과정의 양상과 이로 인한 권력관계의 변화를 추적한다. 넷째, 이상에서 논의한 베트남의 정치경제적 변화에 영향을 미치고 있는 대외관계의 환경과 이에 대한 베트남 정부의 대응을 설명한다. 이 과정에서 25주년을 맞이한 한국-베트남 관계의 의미에 대한 평가도 간략하게나마 시도해보고자 한다. 마지막으로, 최근 베트남의 사회문화적 변화를 염두에 두면서 대중이 개혁개방정책 이후 일어나고 있는 체제의 변화에 어떻게 반응하고 있는지 성찰해보고자 한다. 2017년은 베트남인에게 자본주의를 향해 순항하는 경제, 이로 인한 인민의 욕구의 분출에 대한 정치적 논란과 통제, 그리고 중국과 미국을 중심으로 커지고 있는 대외관계의 불확실성과 이에 대한 다각적 대응 등으로 기억될 만한 해였다. 2017년 한 해 동안 일어난 이러한 현상들은 사회주의를 표방하고 있는 베트남이 시장경제 모델을 채택하면서 지속적으로 경험해나갈 수밖에 없을 것으로 보인다. 문제는 이러한 경험이 장기적으로 사회주의 베트남의 인민에게 동의를 얻어내며 지속될 수 있는 것인지 아니면 저항을 양산하게 될 것인지 불확실하다는 점이다. 지금처럼, 빈부격차의 확대, 부패와 권력의 독점, 미숙련 저임금 노동자의 양산이 지속되는 한 진정한 의미의 동의를 구하기는 어려울 것이다. 다시 말해, 지금처럼 정치경제적 변화를 위한 개발과 산업화가 환경, 건강, 복지에 부정적 영향을 주고 있는 한 동의 대신 불만의 축적이 불가피할 것이다. 이런 점을 고려할 때 2017년 한 해에 이룬 수치상의 경제성장, 표면적인 정치안정, 대외관계에 대한 기민한 대응이 향후 얼마나 지속가능한 것인지 관심을 가지고 지켜볼 필요가 있다.

인문지리학 방법론의 새로운 지평 (New horizon of geographical method)

  • 최병두
    • 대한지리학회지
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    • 제38권
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    • pp.15-36
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    • 1988
  • In this paper, I consider the development of methods in contemporary human geography in terms of a dialectical relation of action and structure, and try to draw a new horizon of method toward which geographical research and spatial theory would develop. The positivist geography which was dominent during 1960s has been faced both with serious internal reflections and strong external criticisms in the 1970s. The internal reflections that pointed out its ignorance of spatial behavior of decision-makers and its simplication of complex spatial relations have developed behavioural geography and systems-theoretical approach. Yet this kinds of alternatives have still standed on the positivist, geography, even though they have seemed to be more real and complicate than the previous one, The external criticisms that have argued against the positivist method as phenomenalism and instrumentalism suggest some alternatives: humanistic geography which emphasizes intention and action of human subject and meaning-understanding, and structuralist geography which stresses on social structure as a totality which would produce spatial phenomena, and a theoretical formulation. Human geography today can be characterized by a strain and conflict between these methods, and hence rezuires a synthetic integration between them. Philosophy and social theory in general are in the same in which theories of action and structural analysis have been complementary or conflict with each other. Human geography has fallen into a further problematic with the introduction of a method based on so-called political ecnomy. This method has been suggested not merely as analternative to the positivist geography, but also as a theoretical foundation for critical analysis of space. The political economy of space with has analyzed the capitalist space and tried to theorize its transformation may be seen either as following humanistic(or Hegelian) Marxism, such as represented in Lefebvre's work, or as following structuralist Marxism, such as developed in Castelles's or Harvey's work. The spatial theory following humanistic Marxism has argued for a dialectic relation between 'the spatial' and 'the social', and given more attention to practicing human agents than to explaining social structures. on the contray, that based on structuralist Marxism has argued for social structures producing spatial phenomena, and focused on theorising the totality of structures, Even though these two perspectives tend more recently to be convergent in a way that structuralist-Marxist. geographers relate the domain of economic and political structures with that of action in their studies of urban culture and experience under capitalism, the political ecnomy of space needs an integrated method with which one can overcome difficulties of orthhodox Marxism. Some novel works in philosophy and social theory have been developed since the end of 1970s which have oriented towards an integrated method relating a series of concepts of action and structure, and reconstructing historical materialism. They include Giddens's theory of structuration, foucault's geneological analysis of power-knowledge, and Habermas's theory of communicative action. Ther are, of course, some fundamental differences between these works. Giddens develops a theory which relates explicitly the domain of action and that of structure in terms of what he calls the 'duality of structure', and wants to bring time-space relations into the core of social theory. Foucault writes a history in which strategically intentional but nonsubjective power relations have emerged and operated by virtue of multiple forms of constrainst wihthin specific spaces, while refusing to elaborate any theory which would underlie a political rationalization. Habermas analyzes how the Western rationalization of ecnomic and political systems has colonized the lifeworld in which we communicate each other, and wants to formulate a new normative foundation for critical theory of society which highlights communicatie reason (without any consideration of spatial concepts). On the basis of the above consideration, this paper draws a new norizon of method in human geography and spatial theory, some essential ideas of which can be summarized as follows: (1) the concept of space especially in terms of its relation to sociery. Space is not an ontological entity whch is independent of society and has its own laws of constitution and transformation, but it can be produced and reproduced only by virtue of its relation to society. Yet space is not merlely a material product of society, but also a place and medium in and through which socety can be maintained or transformed.(2) the constitution of space in terms of the relation between action and structure. Spatial actors who are always knowledgeable under conditions of socio-spatial structure produce and reproduce their context of action, that is, structure; and spatial structures as results of human action enable as well as constrain it. Spatial actions can be distinguished between instrumental-strategicaction oriented to success and communicative action oriented to understanding, which (re)produce respectively two different spheres of spatial structure in different ways: the material structure of economic and political systems-space in an unknowledged and unitended way, and the symbolic structure of social and cultural life-space in an acknowledged and intended way. (3) the capitalist space in terms of its rationalization. The ideal development of space would balance the rationalizations of system space and life-space in a way that system space providers material conditions for the maintainance of the life-space, and the life-space for its further development. But the development of capitalist space in reality is paradoxical and hence crisis-ridden. The economic and poltical system-space, propelled with the steering media like money, and power, has outstriped the significance of communicative action, and colonized the life-space. That is, we no longer live in a space mediated communicative action, but one created for and by money and power. But no matter how seriously our everyday life-space has been monetalrized and bureaucratised, here lies nevertheless the practical potential which would rehabilitate the meaning of space, the meaning of our life on the Earth.

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