• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.1
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• pp.11-27
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• 2019

The Jurchens, the ancestors of the Qing Manchus, had lived scattered in Manchuria and had made their living mostly on ginseng gathering and animal hunting. Their residential areas, rich with deep forest and numerous rivers, provided great habitation for all kinds of flora and fauna, but not so proper for agriculture. Based on their activities of foraging and hunting, the Jurchens developed a unique social organization that was later transformed into the Banner System, the most distinctive Qing military institution. By the sixteenth century, that the external trade brought considerable changes to Jurchen society. A huge amount of foreign silver, imported from Japan and South America to China, first invigorated commercial economy in China proper, and later caused a huge influence on Ming frontier regions, including Manchuria. In the late sixteenth century when the tradition of foraging and hunting encountered with silver economy, the Jurchen tribes became unified after years of competition and transformed themselves into the Manchus to build the Qing empire in 1636. In 1644 the Manchus succeeded in conquering the China Proper and moved into Beijing. Even after that, the Manchu imperial court never forgot the value of Manchurii ginseng; instead, they paid great efforts to monopolize this profitable root. Until the late seventeenth century, the Qing court used the Banner System to manage Manchurian ginseng. The banner soldiers stationed in Manchuria checked unauthorized civilian entrances in this frontier and protected its ginseng producing mountains from the Han Chinese people. All the process of ginseng gathering was managed by the institutions under the direct control of the imperial court, such as the Imperial Household Department, the Butha Ula Office, and the Three Upper Banner in Shengjing. Banner soldiers were dispatched to the given mountains, collect the given amount of ginseng, and send them to the imperial court in Beijing. The state monopoly of ginseng was maintained throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries under the principle that Manchuria and its natural resources should be guarded from civilian encroachment. At the same time, Manchurian ginseng was considered as an important source of state revenue. The imperial court and financial bureau wanted to collect ginseng as much as they needed. By the late seventeenth century as the ginseng management by the banner soldiers failed in securing the ginseng tax, the Qing court began to invite civil merchants to ginseng business. During the eighteenth century the Qing ginseng policy became more dependent on civil merchants, both their money and management. In 1853 the Qing finally ended the ginseng monopoly, but it was before the early eighteenth century that wealthy merchants hired ginseng gatherers and paid ginseng tax to the state. The Qing monopoly of ginseng was in fact maintained by the active participation of civil merchants in the ginseng business.

• Journal of Food Hygiene and Safety
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• v.34 no.2
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• pp.115-123
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• 2019

An analytical method was developed for the determination of fenpropimorph, a morpholine fungicide, in hulled rice, potato, soybean, mandarin and green pepper using QuEChERS (Quick, Easy, Cheap, Effective, Rugged and Safe) sample preparation and LC-MS/MS (liquid chromatography-tandem mass spectrometry). The QuEChERS extraction was performed with acetonitrile followed by addition of anhydrous magnesium sulfate and sodium chloride. After centrifugation, d-SPE (dispersive solid phase extraction) cleanup was conducted using anhydrous magnesium sulfate, primary secondary amine sorbents and graphitized carbon black. The matrix-matched calibration curves were constructed using seven concentration levels, from 0.0025 to 0.25 mg/kg, and their correlation coefficient ($R^2$) of five agricultural products were higher than 0.9899. The limits of detection (LOD) and quantification (LOQ) were 0.001 and 0.0025 mg/kg, respectively, and the limits of quantification for the analytical method were 0.01 mg/kg. Average recoveries spiked at three levels (LOQ, $LOQ{\times}10$, $LOQ{\times}50$, n=5) and were in the range of 90.9~110.5% with associated relative standard deviation values less than 5.7%. As a result of the inter-laboratory validation, the average recoveries between the two laboratories were 88.6~101.4% and the coefficient of variation was also below 15%. All optimized results were satisfied the criteria ranges requested in the Codex guidelines and Food Safety Evaluation Department guidelines. This study could serve as a reference for safety management relative to fenpropimorph residues in imported and domestic agricultural products.

• Journal of the Korean Society of International Agriculture
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• v.30 no.4
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• pp.292-299
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• 2018

In a survey in which farmers were asked about their levels of satisfaction with agricultural machines, Japanese products scored higher than local products by 1.2, 1.3, and 1.4 times for tractors, combine harvesters, and rice transplanter, respectively. Japanese products corresponded to generally high satisfaction levels in terms of operating performance, operability, frequency of breakdowns, and durability, excluding sales price and after-sales services. Effective countermeasures through quality improvement are therefore necessary for Korean products. Furthermore, a survey of dealers showed that the components and consumables for core agricultural machines had high frequencies of breakdowns and repairs. Four major components of tractors represented 85.3% of all breakdowns and repairs, five components of combine harvesters represented 89.6%, and three components of rice transplanters represented 80.5%. Moreover, a comparison of the technological levels between local and imported machines showed that the local machines' levels were at 60-100% for tractors, 70-100% for combine harvesters, and 70-95% for rice transplanters. Small and mid-sized tractors, 4 interrow combine harvesters, and 6 interrow rice transplanters showed similar levels of technology. The results of the analysis suggest that action is urgently needed at a policy level to establish an agricultural machinery component research center for the development, production, and supply of commonly-used components, with the participation of manufacturers of agricultural machines and components, in order to enhance the competitiveness of local manufacturers and to revitalize the agricultural machine market.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.136-149
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• 2020

It is generally believed that Douglas Fir timber imported from North America is used in repair work for Korean wooden heritage sites due to an insufficient supply of extra-large sized Korean pine timber. Based on this understanding in the cultural heritage repair field, Cultural Heritage Repair Business Entities ("CHRBE") prefer North American Douglas Fir timber which is more easily acquired on the market than large Korean pine timber. However, if CHRBE use large quantities of foreign-origin wood in the heritage repair field, this presents the threat of negative domestic impacts on cultural heritage such as breaching the preservation principal and ultimately weakening material authenticity. Therefore, this study aims to investigate the current supply status of large Korean pine timber through examination of existing research, interviews with experts engaged in CHRBE, and timber mills. With this information, the authors seek to identify whether the market supply of large Korean pine timber is indeed insufficient or not. In addition to this, this paper identifies the reasons why large Korean pine timber is not widely used if such timber supply is actually sufficient. In order to propose suggestions regarding the issues above, the authors study the distribution channel for large Korean pine timber and the price spectrum of this timber through examination of price information from the public agencies under the Korea Forest Service, research papers from the Cultural Heritage Administration, and estimation documents from timber mills. This paper also identifies two main opinions about why Korean timber has not been commonly used in the Korean heritage repair field. The first opinion is that the supply of large Korean pine timber really is insufficient in Korea. However, the second opinion is that it is hardly used due to inappropriateness of the government's procurement and estimation system, despite the fact that the supply of the timbers on the market is actually sufficient. Through the aforementioned research, this paper comes to the conclusion that the second opinion has strong grounds in many aspects. In terms of suggestions, alternative routes are proposed to stimulate the use of large Korean pine timber via supply by the 'Korea Foundation for Traditional Architecture and Technology' and surveys of the price spectrum of the timber, etc.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.25
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• pp.5-30
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• 2012

I. Identity of Yeonsegeuk as total arts. The purpose of the thesis is to arrange the identy of Yeonsegeuk(Kino-Drama) which is theatre or film. The process of study is tried to discuss on the aethetic of Yeonsegeuk. II. Appearance of Yeonsegeuk and negative disputation of yeonsegeuk The first imported Yeonsegeuk from Japanese in Korea is made by the group of Mizuno Ganggetsu(水野觀月) on Oct. 16. 1915 at Pusan and also to run in Seoul at Hwanggeumgwan. The first of Korean Yeonsegeuk is by Kim, Dosan, a leader of Singeukjwa(theare group) on Oct. 27. 1919 at Danseongsa. Before the liberation of Korea from Japan all made korean Yeonsegeuk are 28 works. III. Dramatic form of Yeonsegeuk I study on the relation between Yeonsegeuik and Sinpageuik(new theatre of modern drama in 1920's). I find that Yeonsegeuik admitted the thechnics of the Sinpageuik and the contents. If We think that the theatre is synthetic art which genealize all arts, we can insist that the Yeonsegeuk is valued the total art as new performance to comply with film art to theatre. Conclusionly Yeonsegeuk is called 'Expanded Theatre' as the new performance which must be dicussed in the view of total art. VI. Discussion on the the aethetic of Yeonsegeuk When we compare the structure of film with the structure of theatre, we can't find a diffrent element between the structure of two art in art semiotic. But we find a fact that film art has special elements in mechanics character which are camera working and motage. These technics influence on the audience's mind. It is different point between Japan and Korean's Kino-drama and Germany's that is to admit the aethetic of total art or not. V. Yeonsegeuk as new performance During Korean modern times Kino-drama was first a kind of total art with stage and screen. But it is regretable that Kino-drama didn't have the background of theory which discourse on the comprehension of total art. As the result Kino-drama bring the confusion of argument that Kino-drama is total art or expanded theatre. This confusion will be disputed on film art as performing arts or future art as expanded film and total art.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.377-410
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• 2009

In the East Asian Confucianism society, Hakmun was aimed to bring human beings and nature into harmony, and to explore a unity between knowledge and conducts. For example, Neo-Confucianism aspired they could explain the human existence and society through a single concept of Iki(理氣, the basic principles and the atmospheric force of nature). In this philosophy, humanics and natural sciences had not been differentiated at all. The East-West cultural interchanges at the beginning of modernity caused a crack in the traditional academic concepts. Through the Hundred Days of Reform(變法自疆運動, a movement of Strenuous Efforts through Reforming the Law), the Western Affairs Movement(洋務運動) in China, Meiji Restoration(明治維新) in Japan, or Innovation Movements(開化運動) and the Patriotic Enlightenment Movement(愛國啓蒙運動) in Korea, the traditional meanings of Hakmun was degraded while it became a target of the criticism of the enlightenment movements. Accordingly, East Asians' perception of Hakmun rapidly began to change. Although there had been the Silhak(實學, practical science) movement in Korea, which tried to differentiate its conceptualization of Hakmun from that of Neo-Confucianism during the 18th and 19th century, the fundamental shift in meaning occurred with the influx of the modern Western culture. This change converted the ultimate objective of Hakmun as well as its methods and substances. The separation of humanics and natural sciences, rise in dignity of the technological sciences, and subdivision of learning into disciplines and their specialization were accelerated during the Korean enlightenment period. The inflow of the modern western science, humanized thought, and empiricism functioned as mediators in these phase and they caused an irreversible crack in the traditional academic thoughts. Confronting the western mode of knowledge, however, the East Asian intellectuals had to explain their new learning by using traditional terms and concepts; modification was unavoidable when they tried to explain the newly imported knowledge and concepts. This presentation focuses on the traditional concepts of 'gyeogchi'(格致, extending knowledge by investigating things) and 'gungni'(窮理, investigation of principles), pervasively used in philosophy, physics and many other fields of study. These concepts will mark the key point with which to trace changes of knowledge and to understand the way how the concept of Hakmun was converted into a modern one.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.48
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• pp.91-116
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• 2012

Writing is a process and work of expressing one's own feelings and thoughts that are not contained in rigid forms; however, the literary trend and environment during the Late Joseon was not so tolerant. A revivalist approach to writing was dominant during this period, which was summarized in the expression that "Prose must be written in the style of Qin and Han; and Poetry in that of High Tang. "Hence, it was practically a taboo to express one's raw emotions and disregard the custom and regulations of writing. Nevertheless, literati, who got tired of the dogmatic rule of Neo-Confucianism at the time that refused to see the changing world and the pseudo-archaic writing that merely imitated the outside and was empty inside, attempted new styles of writing to escape from the model or example and what was familiar. Lee Yong-hyu, who was in the middle of such transformations, learned the trends of Late Ming and Early Qing through the newly imported Chinese books and created his own style that reflected his personality. His writings refused the Neo-Confucian system of thoughts, which was a dominant ideology of the time, paid attention to the human nature and emphasized the restoration of the self. His writing could be described as being anti-pseudo-archaic and criticized the pretentious trend of the time. He argued that in order to restore the true self, one must recover the innocent mind that was bestowed on human by heaven/nature (cheon-li, 天理), and for this purpose, one must straighten out one's mind (sim, 心). His argument is similar to that of "Yangming School of Mind," which could be represented by the phrase, "Mind is the Principle (心卽理)." Yangming School claimed that moral principle existed within one's mind; and this was in stark contrast with the Neo-Confucian idea that "principle (li)"was external and transcendent, and was spoken by the great Confucian masters and written down in Confucian Classics. By denying the externality of the principle and underscoring its immanence, the idea that centralized Confucian Classics and canons was dismantled. Lee Yong-hyu's writing styles that denied the model and emphasized the restoration of the self was influenced by such thoughts. However, one must neither hastily judge that he is an advocate of Yangming School of Mind, nor determine the anti-pseudo-archaic writers' ideological basis as the philosophy of Yangming School. Once it is rigidly defined, be it Zhu Xi's philosophy or Wang Yangming's philosophy, it becomes another model that one must abide by, and again the self disappears. Thus, Lee Yong-hyu defied any kind of model that claimed authenticity or precedence and wished that people would live independently as oneself, and left such claims and wishes in writing. That is the reason, after more than two hundred years later, we still read his writings.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.269-303
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• 2016

There are two ways of viewing the Taoism of the Joseon dynasty. One is to view it from the point of view in Joseon, another is to view it from the outside of Joseon, i.e. foreigners' point of view. Maurice Courant(maurice courant,1865~1935)'s Bibliographie Coreenne is the Korean first bibliography(書誌) recorded from the latter's point of view. This research examined the Taoist scripture in Maurice Courant's Bibliographie Coreenne. Maurice Courant classified the Taoist scripture of the Joseon into three: '1. Sacred books(經書類)', '2. Worship of Gwanseongjegun(關聖帝君), Munchangjegun(文昌帝君), Buwoojegun (孚佑帝君)', '3. Various works'. Through this category, it was determined that the belief in three gods (Gwanseongjegun Munchangjegun Buwoojegun) was widely prevalent in the Joseon dynasty in the late 19th century. In the chapter 1, he composed the books of representative Taoist scripture as Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu, 'God(太上)', and 'King of heaven(九天上帝)'. Maurice Courant determined in chapter 2 that 1890s' Joseon Gwanwoo (關帝) belief was activated, and mentioned 'Musangdan(無相壇)', namely, Joseon's first religious organization. However, he could not determine that the scriptures relevant to three gods were recorded to be divine revelations uttered by gods. 19th century's 'Musangdan' was not introduced by being imported with Chinese Taoist scripture, but was published with the Joseon Taoist scripture through Gangpil(降筆: recording divine revelations uttered by gods). Also, through Maurice Courant's Bibliographie Coreenne, the point that 'belief in three gods' was prevalent in the social leader group during that period could be determined. The reason how such research could be possible seems, because Maurice Courant had Korean assistants who were good at Chinese classics. In chapter 3, Maurice Courant arranged the books based on Taoist ethic and the scriptures on Taoist social practical movement. Through the interpretation of Taoism bibliographies included in Maurice Courant's Bibliographie Coreenne, first, it could be determined that belief based on the three gods(三聖信仰) was prevalent during the 19th century, second, there were lots of the Taoist scriptures made in the late Joseon, third, the first Taoist religious organization and Taoist social movement form could be investigated.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.27 no.4
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• pp.23-48
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• 2021

The Korean economy has achieved continuous economic growth for the past several decades thanks to the government's export strategy policy. This increase in exports is playing a leading role in driving Korea's economic growth by improving economic efficiency, creating jobs, and promoting technology development. Traditionally, the main factors affecting Korea's exports can be found from two perspectives: economic factors and industrial structural factors. First, economic factors are related to exchange rates and global economic fluctuations. The impact of the exchange rate on Korea's exports depends on the exchange rate level and exchange rate volatility. Global economic fluctuations affect global import demand, which is an absolute factor influencing Korea's exports. Second, industrial structural factors are unique characteristics that occur depending on industries or products, such as slow international division of labor, increased domestic substitution of certain imported goods by China, and changes in overseas production patterns of major export industries. Looking at the most recent studies related to global exchanges, several literatures show the importance of cultural aspects as well as economic and industrial structural factors. Therefore, this study attempted to develop a forecasting model by considering cultural factors along with economic and industrial structural factors in calculating the import volume of each country from Korea. In particular, this study approaches the influence of cultural factors on imports of Korean products from the perspective of PUSH-PULL framework. The PUSH dimension is a perspective that Korea develops and actively promotes its own brand and can be defined as the degree of interest in each country for Korean brands represented by K-POP, K-FOOD, and K-CULTURE. In addition, the PULL dimension is a perspective centered on the cultural and psychological characteristics of the people of each country. This can be defined as how much they are inclined to accept Korean Flow as each country's cultural code represented by the country's governance system, masculinity, risk avoidance, and short-term/long-term orientation. The unique feature of this study is that the proposed final prediction model can be selected based on Design Principles. The design principles we presented are as follows. 1) A model was developed to reflect interest in Korea and cultural characteristics through newly added data sources. 2) It was designed in a practical and convenient way so that the forecast value can be immediately recalled by inputting changes in economic factors, item code and country code. 3) In order to derive theoretically meaningful results, an algorithm was selected that can interpret the relationship between the input and the target variable. This study can suggest meaningful implications from the technical, economic and policy aspects, and is expected to make a meaningful contribution to the export support strategies of small and medium-sized enterprises by using the import forecasting model.

• Journal of Food Hygiene and Safety
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• v.37 no.5
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• pp.323-327
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• 2022

The mineral content of Tricholoma matsutake was evaluated for comparison of mineral contents according to the area of cultivation. Ten domestic and thirty Chinese (10 Yanji, 10 Yunnan and 10 Tibet) T. matsutake specimens were assessed using an atomic absorption spectrophotometer (AAS) and inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometer (ICP-MS). The Na, Mg, K, and Ca contents of domestic T. matsutake were 128.12±85.25 mg/kg, 218.52±105.35 mg/kg, 7,534.58±2,691.52 mg/kg, and 17.69±7.14 mg/kg, respectively, while those of Yanji T. matsutake were 124.89±57.24 mg/kg, 64.07±27.52 mg/kg, 1,439.18±311.04 mg/kg, and 10.88±4.52 mg/kg, respectively. The Na, Mg, K, and Ca contents of Yunnan T. matsutake were 90.78±23.23 mg/kg, 77.40±28.36 mg/kg, 1,446.29±126.33 mg/kg, and 28.42±5.18 mg/kg respectively, while those of Tibet T. matsutake were 143.50±41.54 mg/kg, 124.64±50.18 mg/kg, 3,530.95±2,714.99 mg/kg, and 21.05±8.71 mg/kg, respectively. The Cu contents of domestic, Yanji, Yunnan, and Tibet T. matsutake were 105.43±32.97 mg/kg, 19.92±8.95 mg/kg, 54.51±16.91 mg/kg, and 64.80±23.01 mg/kg, respectively. Both domestic and Chinese T. matsutake samples showed significantly different K, Mg, and Cu levels in this study. Therefore, a comparative evaluation of the K, Mg, and Cu contents of multiple domestic and Chinese T. matsutake varieties is needed to determine the appropriate area of cultivation in the future.