• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.263-297
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• 2010

The relics of the Southeast Asian civilizations in the first phase are found with the relics from India, China, and even further West of Persia and Rome. These relics are the historic marks of the ancient interactions of various continents, mainly through the maritime trade. The traces of the indic culture, which appears in the historic age, are represented in the textual records and arts, regarded as the essence of the India itself. The ancient Hindu arts found in various locations of Southeast Asia were thought to be transplanted directly from India. However, Neither did the Gupta Hindu Art of India form the mainstream of the Gupta Art, nor did it play an influential role in the adjacent areas. The Indian culture was transmitted to Southeast Asia rather intermittently than consistently. If we thoroughly compare the early Hindu art of India and that of Southeast Asia, we can find that the latter was influenced by the former, but still sustained Southeast Asian originality. The reason that the earliest Southeast Asian Hindu art is discovered mostly in continental Southeast Asia is resulted from the fact that the earliest networks between India and the region were constructed in this region. Among the images of Hindu gods produced before the 7th century are Shiva, Vishnu, Harihara, and Skanda(the son of Shiva), and Ganesha(the god of wealth). The earliest example of Vishnu was sculpted according to the Kushan style. After that, most of the sculptures came to have robust figures and graceful proportions. There are a small number of images of Ganesha and Skanda. These images strictly follow the iconography of the Indian sculpture. This shows that Southeast Asians chose their own Hindu gods from the Hindu pantheon selectively and devoted their faiths to them. Their basic iconography obediently followed the Indian model, but they tried to transform parts of the images within the Southeast Asian contexts. However, it is very difficult to understand the process of the development of the Hindu faith and its contents in the ancient Southeast Asia. It is because there are very few undamaged Hindu temples left in Southeast Asia. It is also difficult to make sure that the Hindu religion of India, which was based on the complex rituals and the caste system, was transplanted to Southeast Asia, because there were no such strong basis of social structure and religion in the region. "Indianization" is an organized expansion of the Indian culture based on the sense of belonging to an Indian context. This can be defined through the process of transmission and progress of the Hindu or Buddhist religions, legends about purana, and the influx of various epic expression and its development. Such conditions are represented through the Sanskrit language and the art. It is the element of the Indian culture to fabricate an image of god as a devotional object. However, if we look into details of the iconography, style, and religious culture, these can be understood as a "selective reception of foreign religious culture." There were no sophisticated social structure yet to support the Indian culture to continue in Southeast Asia around the 7th century. Whether this phenomena was an "Indianization" or the "influx of elements of Indian culture," it was closely related to the matter of 'localization.' The regional character of each local region in Southeast Asia is partially shown after the 8th century. However it is not clear whether this culture was settled in each region as its dominant culture. The localization of the Indian culture in Southeast Asia which acted as a network connecting ports or cities was a part of the process of localization of Indian culture in pan-Southeast Asian region, and the process of the building of the basis for establishing an identity for each Southeast Asian region.

• Korean Journal of Remote Sensing
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• v.38 no.5_1
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• pp.497-510
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• 2022

Agricultural reservoirs are essential structures for water supplies during dry period in the Korean peninsula, where water resources are temporally unequally distributed. For efficient water management, systematic and effective monitoring of medium-small reservoirs is required. Synthetic Aperture Radar (SAR) provides a way for continuous monitoring of those, with its capability of all-weather observation. This study aims to evaluate the applicability of SAR in monitoring medium-small reservoirs using Sentinel-1 (10 m resolution) and Capella X-SAR (1 m resolution), at Chari (CR), Galjeon (GJ), Dwitgol (DG) reservoirs located in Ulsan, Korea. Water detected results applying Z fuzzy function-based threshold (Z-thresh) and Chan-vese (CV), an object detection-based segmentation algorithm, are quantitatively evaluated using UAV-detected water boundary (UWB). Accuracy metrics from Z-thresh were 0.87, 0.89, 0.77 (at CR, GJ, DG, respectively) using Sentinel-1 and 0.78, 0.72, 0.81 using Capella, and improvements were observed when CV was applied (Sentinel-1: 0.94, 0.89, 0.84, Capella: 0.92, 0.89, 0.93). Boundaries of the waterbody detected from Capella agreed relatively well with UWB; however, false- and un-detections occurred from speckle noises, due to its high resolution. When masked with optical sensor-based supplementary images, improvements up to 13% were observed. More effective water resource management is expected to be possible with continuous monitoring of available water quantity, when more accurate and precise SAR-based water detection technique is developed.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.41
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• pp.257-284
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• 2020

Goseong Ogwangdae started academic research in the late 1950s and was designated as a national intangible cultural asset in 1964. From the time of the academic survey to the time of designation, it was recorded as using paper masks, but when the recording image was filmed in 1965, it was already changed to wooden masks. In 1960, before being designated as an intangible cultural asset, the number of masks, which was 9 points, gradually increased to 19 points in 1964. It is necessarily included in the leper, Chorani, Malttuki, Cheongbo-Yangyang, Halmi, and Jemilju, but the character of the yangban is not yet clearly differentiated. Hwangbongsa and Sangju appeared as bare faces, and consumption, milling, Cheongbo-Yangyang are used together with Bibi and inspiration. It can be guessed that Bibi was not the appearance of a foreign object with horns as it is now, considering that Bibi and Madangsoi were used together. Since 1965, shortly after the designation, the whole of the Goseong Ogwangdae mask has been changed to a wooden mask. All the characters except for resident, courtyard, and top-of-the-line are wearing masks. Bibi, Hongbaek, and service masks have never appeared until 1964. The Yangban was changed to the closing ceremony with six people in the order of Won-Yangban, Baekje, Heukje, Cheongje, Hongbaek, and Jonggadoryong. Starting in 1969, the mask enters the stable period where the kind is the same as the present. Bibi-Yangban uses both the Won-Yangban and the Jemilju uses the Somu, but all other characters use the individual mask to use a total of 18 masks. The Yangbans are clearly differentiated, and a total of seven Yangban appear. The reason why the change in the type of mask and the expression of material is so large is that the first generation of mask makers died and the tradition of mask production was cut off, but there is also a cause of the extreme change in the environment of the drama that the performers who joined after the designation had to face. Also, it is closely related to the change of the times when the meaning and weight of masking in masking has changed. At that time, the performers were not so tied to the current concept of 'original form' that they preserved the appearance of the designated time. Originally, Goseong Ogwangdae was centered on improvisation dance, not the formalized dance as it is now, and there was a certain fluid aspect in the retelling, so it was flexible in the use of masks even before the designation of cultural assets. Strict rules did not apply in the details, as it was a self-sufficient play by the performers, not an offer event. The form and contents of this fluid play are changed to preparation for the performance while preparing for the folk art contest. As the subject of the contest in self-sufficient play, dance, costumes, and props became more and more colorful as well as dancing, costumes, and props. As a result, participation in the contest brought about changes in the overall performance and changed the mask, which was accepted within the preservation society.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.21
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• pp.99-156
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• 2013

This paper is to indicate research tendencies of faith in Daesoonjinrihoe and controversial points of those, and to consider the outlook on Sangje after defining it as theological understanding and explanation for Gu-Cheon-Sang-Je (High-est ruling Entity that is the object of devotion in Daesoon-jinrihoe). As the first introduction to the work, various descriptions for Sangje are arranged and the meanings of those are analyzed. In brief, first, the name of Gu-Cheon-Eung-Won-Nweh-Seong-Bo-Hwa-Cheon-Jon, expresses the fact that the authority of Sangje (the Supreme Entity) is exposed by spatial concept Sangje dwells in Ninth Heaven. This fact can be compared with the doctrines Allah in Islam and Jehovah in Christianity each are dwelled in Seventh Heaven. And the name shows Sangje is the ruler who reigns over the universe by using yin and yang. Second, the name, Gu-Cheon-Eung-Won-Nweh-Seong-BoHwa-Cheon-Jon, is imported from China Taoism because it has been in Ok-Chu-Gyeong (the Gaoshang shenlei yushu). But in fact it's root is in Korea because Buyeo and Goguryeo, the ancient Korean nations, have the source of the name. While the name is not the Supreme Entity in China Taoism, it is the Supreme Entity in Daesoonjinrihoe. This fact is a important difference. Third, arbitrarily or not, the name, Gu-Cheon-Eung-Won-Nweh-Seong-Bo-Hwa-Cheon-Jon, is put on the image of 'resolution of grievances'. The reason is that many peoples in Korea and China has called the name for about 1,000 years ago to help their fortunes and escape predicaments. Forth, not only Gu-Cheon-Eung-Won-Nweh-Seong-Bo-Hwa-Cheon-Jon but also the name, Three Pure Ones and Ok-Cheon-Jin-Wang (Yuqingzhenwang) in China Taoism used as the Highest ruling Entity in Daesoonjinrihoe. But the relations between three Pure Ones and Ok-Cheon-Jin-Wang and Gu-Cheon-Eung-Won-Nweh-Seong-Bo-Hwa-Cheon-Jon in Dae-soonjinrihoe are different from that in China Taoism. Fifth, Sangje is associated with the Polaris divinity of Tae-Eul, view on God in Oriental Cosmology. The description Tae-Eul as well as Gu-Cheon-Eung-Won-Nweh-Seong-Bo-Hwa-Cheon-Jon is indicated Sangje is linked to the faith of Buyeo and Goguryeo. Sixth, Sangje is not only Mugeuk-Sin (The God of The Endless) who supervise the Endless but also Taegeuk-Ji-Cheon-Jon (The God of The Ultimate Reality) who supervise the Ultimate Reality. These descriptions directly display the fact Sangje is a creator. Seventh, in case explaining Sangje, the point of view is necessary that grasps the whole viewpoints Sangje 'was' Hidden God(deus otiosus) and 'is' Unhidden God after Incarnation. Eighth, Sangje is Cheon-Ju in Donghak, but different from that. Cheon-Ju in Donghak has both transcendence and immanence in tightrope tension, but Cheon-Ju in Daesoonjinrihoe emphasize transcendence than immanence. That difference is the result of the fact Cheon-Ju in Donghak was a being having revealed a man and Cheon-Ju in Daesoonjinrihoe was a being having incarnated after revealing a man. Ninth, Sangje is Gae-Byeok-Jang who is the manager of the transforming and ordering the Three Realms of the World by the Great Do which is the mutual beneficence of all life and Hae-Won-Sin who is the God of resolution of grievances.

• Korean Journal of Cognitive Science
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• v.34 no.3
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• pp.181-196
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• 2023

Size, velocity, and time equivalence are mechanisms that allow us to perceive objects in three-dimensional space consistently, despite errors on the two-dimensional retinal image. These mechanisms work on common cues, suggesting that the perception of motion distance, motion speed, and motion time may share common processing. This can lead to the hypothesis that, despite the spatial nature of visual stimuli distorting temporal perception, the perception of motion speed and the perception of motion duration will tend to oppose each other, as observed for objects moving in the environment. To test this hypothesis, the present study measured perceived speed using Müller-Lyer illusion stimulus to determine the relationship between the time-perception consequences of motion stimuli observed in previous studies and the speed perception measured in the present study. Experiment 1 manipulated the perceived motion trajectory while controlling for the retinal motion trajectory, and Experiment 2 manipulated the retinal motion trajectory while controlling for the perceived motion trajectory. The result is that the speed of the inward stimulus, which is perceived to be shorter, is estimated to be higher than that of the outward stimulus, which is perceived to be longer than the actual distance traveled. Taken together with previous time perception findings, namely that time perception is expanded for outward stimuli and contracted for inward stimuli, this suggests that when the perceived trajectory of a stimulus manipulated by the Müller-Lyer illusion is controlled for, perceived speed decreases with increasing duration and increases with decreasing duration when the perceived distance of the stimulus is constant. This relationship suggests that the relationship between time and speed perceived by spatial cues corresponds to the properties of objects moving in the environment, i.e, an increase in time decreases speed and a decrease in time increases speed when distance remains the same.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.27 no.1_2
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• pp.28-70
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• 2012

In Jungian psychology, creation myths regard as the story of unconscious and preconscious processes(projection of archaic identity) which describe not necessary the origin of our cosmos, but the origin of man's conscious awareness of the world. Therefore projections have nothing to do with matter itself but experience of one's own unconscious. Jung emphasizes importance to understand projection in individual's conscious experience rather than in philosophical doctrine. The purpose of this thesis is to explore unconscious process of creation myths with egg symbolism in clinical cases to present universal feature of Cosmic/alchemical egg. Psychologically, creation myths retold when human mind needs new order. Depending on the attitude of ego, it can be sudden expansion of consciousness or contamination of ego by unconscious. In this study, 'chaos(messa confusa)' in creation myths as archaic identity, experience of uroboros or infant, and nigredo state in alchemy. 'Separation of primordial parents' as beginning of consciousness refers to separatio operation in alchemical process. 'Light' as attainment of consciousness. Discussion of psychological meaning of egg starts with amplification which include the concept of cosmic/alchemical/philosophical egg. Egg symbolism in this study refers to emergence of egg, tapas/brooding of egg, and separation of egg. Emergence of egg as a state of preconscious totality, psychic wholeness conceived as the thing which came before the rise of ego consciousness. Discussion of conceptssuch as Shiva bindu, hiranyagharba, germ of gold, Tathāgatagarbha follows. 'Tapas/brooding of egg' as concentration of all psychic energy into one point for self reflection. Discussion includes The I Ching Hexagram 61, image of brooding egg identified with inner truth, Wonhyo's concept of jikwansasang, and Gnostic idea of Ennoia, introverted act of thinking, as well as the concept of 'Night Sea Journey'. 'Separation or hatching of egg' regarded as the idea of sudden illumination, Phanes, the shining God, and "sun-point," in alchemy. Birth of fledgling as birth of new personality. As a conclusion, psychological meaning of cosmic egg/creation myths is the story of separating from 'Not-I'(unconscious, object, undifferentiated) to 'I'(ego, subject, differentiated) which shares the same meaning as individuation process.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.123-154
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• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.