• Journal of Environmental Policy
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.45-70
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• 2006

China has achieved great economic growth above 9% annual since it changed to more of a market economy system by its reform and open-door policy. At the same time, China has experienced severe ecological deterioration, such as air and water pollutions caused by its rapid urbanization and industrialization. China is now confronted with environmental pollution and ecological deterioration at a critical point, at which economic development in China is limited. Moreover, environmental problems in China have become a lit fuse for social fluctuation beyond pollution problems. The root and background of environmental problems in China, firstly, are its government's lack of understanding of these problems and incorrect economic policies affected by political and ideological prejudice. Secondly, the plundering of resources, 'the principle of development first' which didn't consider environmental sustainability is another source of environmental deterioration in China. In addition, a huge population and poverty in China have increased the difficulty in solving its environmental problems, and in fact have accelerated them. The Chinese government has established many environmental laws and institutions, increased environmental investments, and is enlarging the participation of NGOs and the general public in some limited scale to solve its environmental problems. However, it has not obtained effective results because of the lack of environmental investments owing to the government's limit of the development phase, a structural limit of law enforcement and local protectionism, and the limit of political independency in NGOs and the lack of public participation in China. It seems that China remains in the stage of 'economic development first, environmental protection second', contrary to its catch-phrase of 'the harmony between economic development and environmental protection'. China is now confronted with dual pressure both domestically and abroad because of deepening environmental problems. There are growing public's protests and demonstrations in China in response to the spread of damage owing to environmental pollution and ecological deterioration. On the other hand, international society, in particular neighboring countries, regard China as a principal cause of ecological disaster. In the face of this dual pressure, China is presently contemplating a 'recycling economy' that helps sustainable development through the structural reform of industries using too much energy and through more severe law enforcement than now. Therefore, it is desirable to promote regional cooperation more progressively and practically in the direction of building China's ability to solve environmental problems.

• Journal of Science of Art and Design
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• v.10
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• pp.183-218
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• 2006

Colors change in time corresponding with the value system and aesthetic consciousness of the time. The roles that colors play in painting can be divided into the formative role based on the contrast and harmony of color planes and the aesthetic role expressed by colors to represent the objects. The aesthetic consciousness of the orient starts with the Civility(禮) and Pleasure(樂), which is closely related with restrained or tempered human feelings. In the art world of the orient including poem, painting, and music, what are seen and felt from the objects are not represented in all. Added by the sentiment laid background, the beauty of the orient emphasizes the beauty of restraint and temperance, which has long been the essential aesthetic emotion of the orient. From the very inception of oriental painting, colors had become a symbolic system in which the five colors associated with the philosophy of Yin and Yang and Five Forces were symbolically connected with the four sacred animals of Red Peacock, Black Turtle, Blue Dragon, and White Tiger. In this color system the use of colors was not free from ideological matters, and was further constrained by the limited color production and distribution. Therefore, development in color expression seemed to have been very much limited because of the unavailability and unreadiness of various colors. Studies into the flow in oriental painting show that color expression in oriental painting have changed from symbolic color expression to poetic expression, and then to emotional color expression as the mode of painting changes in time. As oriental painting transformed from the art of religious or ceremonial purpose to one of appreciation, the mast visible change in color expression is the one of realism(simulation). Rooted on the naturalistic color expression of the orient where the fundamental properties of objects were considered mast critical, this realistic color expression depicts the genuine color properties that the objects posses, with many examples in the Flower & Bird Painting prior to the North Sung dynasty. This realistic expression of colors changed as poetic sentiments were fused with painting in later years of the North Sung dynasty, in which a conversion to light ink and light coloring in the use of ink and colors was witnessed, and subjective emotion was intervened and represented. This mode of color expression had established as free and creative coloring with vivid expression of individuality. The fusion of coloring and lyricism was borrowed from the trend in painting after the North Sung dynasty which was mentioned earlier, and from the trend in which painting was fused with poetic sentiments to express the emotion of artists, accompanied with such features as light coloring and compositional change. Here, the lyricism refers to the artist's subjective perspective of the world and expression of it in refined words with certain rhythm, the essence of which is the integration of the artist's ego and the world. The poetic ego projects the emotion and sentiment toward the external objects or assimilates them in order to express the emotion and sentiment of one's own ego in depth and most efficiently. This is closely related with the rationale behind the long-standing tradition of continuous representation of same objects in oriental painting from ancient times to contemporary days. According to the thoughts of the orient, nature was not just an object of expression, but recognized as a personified body, to which the artist projects his or her emotions. The result is the rebirth of meaning in painting, completely different from what the same objects previously represented. This process helps achieve the integration and unity between the objects and the ego. Therefore, this paper discussed the lyrical expression of colors in the works of the author, drawing upon the poetic expression method reflected in the traditional Flower and Bird Painting, one of the painting modes mainly depending on color expression. Based on the related discussion and analysis, it was possible to identify the deep thoughts and the distinctive expression methods of the orient and to address the significance to prioritize the issue of transmission and development of these precious traditions, which will constitute the main identity of the author's future work.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.43 no.1
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• pp.69-81
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• 2015

Under the premise that parks have been a performing field of welfare ideology that benefits the citizen from the past, the present study began with a basic question on what substance a park has and how it has worked. Therefore, this study tried to find out the theoretic background that can explain the roles of a park as an instrument for welfare, of which topic is currently being discussed, and examine how the ideology in the debate regarding welfare characteristics of parks are differentiated from those of social welfare. In addition, this study divided the process of development of parks defined by Galen Cranz in an attempt to view how welfare benefits offered by parks have changed in their development and looked into the roles and types of welfare functions that parks provided to the citizens under a certain social situation by period. Furthermore, the characteristics and development of the ideology underlying a welfare park were examined by function and element in its progression. The results of this study are as follows. The functions that parks have performed so far can be classified into three categories. First, they have a remedial function. Parks have given direct services to 'the socially disadvantaged' such as relief, fostering, and rehabilitation. Second, parks have played a preventive function. They aim to reinforce the functions of individual, family, group, and community. Third, they have exerted a developmental function. They function to promote change of society in a way for it to contribute to social development. Looking into the roles and functions of parks from the perspective of their beneficiary class and benefits, the following were discovered. First, the beneficiaries of welfare characteristics in parks have expanded to the general public from the poor class, and the benefits of parks have spread into the public including the underprivileged in a real sense. Second, the significance of welfare characteristics in parks has also changed from literal benefits to caring for basic human rights. Third, the purpose of welfare characteristics in parks has changed from providing minimal conditions to optimal conditions. At its beginning, the ideology of welfare in parks remained ideal, confining itself to their idealistic characteristics; but as time went on, they created several social benefits in response to various social demands, developing into a field where welfare ideology manifests and is realized in an active manner. Furthermore, it was witnessed that the parks and welfare of the present times are standing at the point of contact for participation and universal well-being. The present study reconsidered the meaning and value of parks from perspective of them as a provider of welfare benefits as well as examined how the welfare ideology of parks is connected to practice. By doing so, this study discovered the various roles, values, and ideology that parks should bear in the future. Therefore, this study is expected to be a good example for future research related to the topic.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.4
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• pp.1-13
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• 2012

Landscape Garden tradition of excellent examples of places that are focused on hydroponics management. South Korea and China, this thing was noticeable among them South Korea which emphasizes the natural contours of the natural streams in accordance with the basic idea to use examples that feature will do. Gardens in China by constructing a flat terrain also naturally expect to find examples of conscious ideas depending on the water and the mountains are characterized. These differences and similarities through the Gardens of the tradition of separating the two countries to build their Garden by site Soswaewon and Zolzengwon appear in the target hand is to identify the characteristics between the director. Research methods literature survey, field survey of the natural environment through the plantation, background history, the people who intend to study, to configure the ground water space, Jian, construction and management has been studied in hydroponics. As a result, Damyang-gun, Jeollanam-do, South Korea in the Garden of the Soswaewon(瀟灑園) organization with inner garden and outer garden of a small, but the scale of production to Yang San-Bo's 'eunilgwan' implement security based rock mooring takes the form of a linear channel and the water came down from riding pending to avoid artifacts gathered again took the form of streams flowing into that. Hutton was a rubble pile structure Jian. Building an Gwangpunggak, Jewoldang, as Daebongdae consist, respectively, depending on the purpose of the mooring was deployed by focusing. The other hand, is located at Suzhou, Jiangsu of China Zolzengwon(拙政園) flat terrain is located on. Largely divided eastern gardens, Central Gardens and the Gardens of the West was conducted by five thirds of the total area of Water accounted for. Pavilion the center of the pond, Seokgasan achieve a variety of landscapes and architectural features that are most of the Ming. The two countries, each region's natural environment and human environment, different, unique characteristics to each other in the implementation of a unique hydroponic Garden tube and ideological backgrounds, but especially the 'eunilgwan' and the terrain that is divided according to the conditions of this study, so fulfilling Garden was conducted.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.40-52
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• 2016

Buyongjeong, a pavilion in the Rear Garden of Changdeok Palace, was appointed as Treasure No. 1763 on March 2, 2012, by the South Korea government since it shows significant symmetry and proportion on its unique planar shape, spatial configuration, building decoration, and so forth. However, the designation of Treasure selection was mainly evaluated by concrete science, in that the selection has not clearly articulated how and why Buoungjeong was constructed as a present unique form. Therefore, this study aims to clarify the identity of Buyongjeong at the time of construction by considering its historical, ideological, philosophical background and building intention. Summary are as follows: First, Construction backgrounds and characters of Buyongjeong: Right after the enthronement, King Jeongjo had founded Kyujanggak(奎章閣), and sponsored civil ministers who were elected by the national examination, as a part of political reform. In addition, he established his own political system by respecting "Kaksin(閣臣)", Kyujanggak's officials as much as "Kain(家人)", internal family members. King Jeongjo's aggressive political reform finally enabled King's lieges to visit King's Rear Garden. In the reign of King Jeongjo's 16th year(1792), Naekaksangjohoe(內閣賞釣會) based on "Kaksin" was officially launched and the Rear Garden visitation became a regular meeting. The Rear Garden visitation consisted of "Sanghwajoeoyeon(賞花釣魚宴)" - enjoying flowers and fishing, and activities of "Nanjeongsugye". Afterward, it eventually became a huge national event since high rank government officials participated the event. King Jeongjo shared the cultural activities with government officials together to Buyongjeong as a place to fulfill his royal politics. Second, The geographical location and spatial characteristics of Buyongjeong: On the enthronement of King Jeongjo(1776), he renovated Taeksujae. Above all, aligning and linking Gaeyuwa - Taeksujae - a cicular island - Eosumun - Kyujangkak along with the construction axis is an evidence for King Jeongjo to determine how the current Kyujangkak zone was prepared and designed to fulfill King Jeonjo's political ideals. In 17th year(1793) of the reign of King Jeongjo, Taeksujae, originally a square shaped pavilion, was modified and expanded with ranks to provide a place to get along with the King and officials. The northern part of Buyongjeong, placed on pond, was designed for the King's place and constructed one rank higher than others. Discernment on windows and doors were made with "Ajasal" - a special pattern for the King. The western and eastern parts were for government officials. The center part was prepared for a place where government officials were granted an audience with the King, who was located in the nortern part of Buyongjeong. Government officials from the western and eastern parts of Buyongjeong, could enter the central part of the Buyongjeong from the southern part by detouring the corner of Buyongjeong. After all, Buyongjeong is a specially designed garden building, which was constructed to be a royal palace utilizing its minimal space. Third, Cultural Values of Buyongjeong: The Buyongjeong area exhibits a trait that it had been continuously developed and it had reflected complex King's private garden cultures from King Sejo, Injo, Hyunjong, Sukjong, Jeongjo and so forth. In particular, King Jeongjo had succeded physical, social and imaginary environments established by former kings and invited their government officials for his royal politics. As a central place for his royal politics, King Jeongjo completed Buyongjeong. Therefore, the value of Buyongjeong, as a garden building reflecting permanency of the Joseon Dynasty, can be highly evaluated. In addition, as it reflects Confucianism in the pavilion - represented by distinguishing hierarchical ranks, it is a unique example to exhibit its distinctiveness in a royal garden.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.50
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• pp.349-382
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• 2018

China is a great civilization which is a combination of various ethnic groups with long history change. As one of these important components of traditional culture, the lucky shape has been going through the ideological upheaval of the history change of China. Up to now, it has become the important parts which can stimulate the emotion of Chinese nation. The lucky shape becomes the basis of the rich traditional culture by long history of the Chinese nation. Even say it is the centre of this traditional culture resource. The lucky shape is a way of expressing the Chinese history and national emotions. It is the important part of people's living habits, emotion, as well as the cultural background. What's more, it has the value of beliefs of Surname totem. Meanwhile, it also has the function of passing on information. The symbol of information finally was created by the being of lucky shape to indicate its conceptual content. There are various kinds of lucky shapes. It will have its limitations when researching all kinds of them professionally. So, here the lucky shape of FISH will be researched. The shape of fish is the first good shape created by the Chinese nation. It is about 6000 years. Its special shape and lucky meaning embody the peculiar inherent culture and intension of the Chinese nation. It's the important component of the Chinese traditional culture. The traditional shape of fish was focused on the continuation of history and the patterns recognition, etc. It seldom indicated the meaning of the shape into the using of the modern design. So by searching the lucky meaning & the way of fish shape, the purpose of the search is to explore the real analysis of value of the fish shape in the modern enterprise identity design. The way of search is through the development of the history, the evolvement and the meaning of lucky of the traditional fish shape to analyse the symbolic meaning and the cultural meaning from all levels in nation, culture, art and life, etc. And by using the huge living example of the enterprise identity design of the traditional shape of the fish to analyse that how it works in positive way by those enterprise which is based on the trust with good image. In the modern Chinese enterprise identity design, the lucky image will be reinterpreted in the modern way. It will be proofed by the national perceptual knowledge of the consumer and the way of enlarge the goodwill of corporate image. It will be the conclusion. The traditional fish shape is the important core of modern design.So this search is taken through the instance of the design of enterprise image of the traditional fish shape to analysis the idea of the majority Chinese people of the traditional luck and the influence of corporation which based on trust and credibility. In modern image design of Chinese corporation, the auspicious sign reappear. The question survey is taken by people through the perceptual knowledge of the consumer and the cognition the enterprise image. According the result, people can speculate the improvement of consumer's recognition and the possibility of development of traditional concept.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.234-249
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• 2020

The dispute involving the construction of the Tomb of Queen Sindeok (hereinafter "Jeongreung"), King Taejo's wife in Seoul, and the moving of that tomb, represents the most clearly demonstrated case for the collision of new and old ideologies between political powers in the early period of Joseon. Jeongreung, the tomb of Queen Sindeok from the Kang Clan, was built inside the capital fortress, but in 1409, King Taejong forced the tomb to be moved outside the capital, and the stone relics remaining at the original location were used to build the stone bridge, Gwangtong-gyo. In an unofficial story, King Taejong moved the tomb outside the capital and used the stone items there to make the Cheonggyecheon Gwang-gyo so that the people would step upon the area in order to curse Lady Kang. In the final year of King Taejo, Lady Kang and King Taejong were in a politically conflictual relationship, but they were close to being political partners until King Taejo became the king. Sillok records pertaining to the establishment of Jeongreung or Gwangtong-gyo in fact state things more plainly, indicating that the moving of Jeongreung was a result of following the sangeon (a written statement to the king) of Uijeongbu (the highest administrative agency in Joseon), which stated that having the tomb of a king or queen in the capital was inappropriate, and since it was close to the official quarter of envoys, it had to be moved. The assertion that it was aimed at degrading Jeongreung in order to repair Gwangtong-gyo thus does not reflect the factual relationship. This article presents the possibility that the use of stone items from Jeongreung to repair Gwangtong-gyo reflected an emerging need for efficient material procurement that accompanied a drastic increase in demand for materials required in civil works both in- and outside the capital. The cause for constructing Jeongreung within the capital and the cause of moving the tomb outside the capital would therefore be attributable to the heterogeneity of the ideological backgrounds of King Taejo and King Taejong. King Taejo was the ruler of the Confucius state, as he reigned through the Yeokseong Revolution, but he constructed the tomb and Hongcheon-sa, the temple in the capital for his wife Queen Sindeok. In this respect, it is considered that, with the power of Buddhism, there was an attempt to rally supporters and gather the force needed to establish the authority of Queen Sindeok. Yi Seong-gye, who was raised in the Dorugachi clan of Yuan, lived as a military man in the border area, and so he would not have had a high level of understanding in Confucian scholarship. Rather, he was a man of the old system with its 'Buddhist" tendency. On the other hand, King Taejong Yi Bang-won was an elite Confucian student who passed the national examination at the end of the Goryeo era, and he is also known to have held a profound understanding of Neo-Confucianism. To state it differently, it would be reasonable to say that the understanding of symbolic implications for the capital would be more profound in a Confucian state. Since the national system that was ruled by laws had been established following the Three-Kingdom era, the principle of burial outside of the capital that would have seen a grave constructed on the outskirts of the capital was not upheld, without exception. Jeongreung was built inside the capital due to the strong individual desire of King Taejo, but since he was a Confucian scholar prior to becoming king, it would not have been accepted as desirable. After taking the throne, King Taejong took the initiative to begin overhauling the capital in order to reflect his intent to clearly realize Confucian ideology emphasizing 'Yechi' ("ruling with good manners") with the scenic view of the Capital's Hanyang river. It would be reasonable to conclude accordingly that the moving of Jeongreung was undertaken in the context of such a historic background.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.36
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• pp.227-266
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• 2020

The purpose of this paper is to review the representative Buddhist policies enforced during the reign of Gwanghaegun (光海君), the 15th king of the Joseon Dynasty, and the aspects of the Buddhist community affected by them. Through this, the influence and dynamism of Buddhism during the reign of Gwanghaegun will be revealed. Some of the findings will run contrary to what is popularly known about Joseon Buddhism and the policy of Sungyueokbul (崇儒抑佛), 'Revering Confucianism and Supressing Buddhism.' During the Joseon Dynasty, Neo-Confucianism was taken as an ideological background, and consequently, Buddhism was ostracized by the ruling class who advocated the exclusion of heretical views. This also characterized King Gwanghaegun's reign during the Mid-Joseon Dynasty. In reality though, the ruling class held mixed opinions about Buddhism, and this influenced the Buddhist community in the Gwanghaegun Period. The military might of Japan demonstrated during the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, led the ruling class to recognize Buddhism, and as a result, the status of Buddhism rose to a certain extent. Based on its elevated status and the aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Korea, the Buddhist community engaged in social welfare activities inspired by the notion of requiting favors, and the Buddhist community gained recognition for providing relief services. As a result, the number of monks increased, and the economic situation improved as land ownership was granted to temples and monks. This is the means by which the Japanese Invasion of Korea influenced the Buddhist policies of the Gwanghaegun Period and changed the religious topography of Buddhism. During the reign of King Gwanghaegun, the ruling class regarded Buddhism as heretical, but offered posthumous titles to monks who engaged in meritorious services during the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Favorable and/or preferential treatment was also granted to some Buddhist monks. In addition, monks began to perform labor projects that demanded organizational and physical strength, such as those which related to national defense and architecture. However, throughout the Gwanghaegun Period, the monks were paid a certain amount of compensation for their labor, and the monks' responsibility for labor increased. This can be understood as a partial reconciliation with Buddhism or an acceptance of Buddhism rather than the suppression of Buddhism often presented by historians. As for policies which affected Buddhism, the Buddhist community showed signs of cooperation with the ruling class, the creation and reconstruction of temples, and the production of Buddhist art. Through close ties with the ruling class, Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period saw the Buddhist community actively responded policies that impacted Buddhism, and this allowed their religious orders to be maintained. In this way, it was also confirmed that the monk, Buhyu Seonsu (浮休 善修) and his disciple Byeogam Gakseong (碧巖 覺性), took up leadership roles in their Buddhist community. The Buddhist-aimed policies of Gwanghaegun were implemented against the backdrop of the Buddhist community, wherein the ruling class held mixed opinions regarding Buddhism. As such, both improvements and set backs for Buddhism could be observed during that time period. The ruling class actively utilized the organizational power of Buddhism for national defense and civil engineering after the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Out of gratitude, they implemented appropriate compensation for the Buddhists involved. The Buddhist community also responded to policies that affected them through exchanges with the ruling class. They succeeded in securing funds and support to repair and produce Buddhist temples and artworks. A thoughtful inspection of the policies towards and responses to Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period, shows that Buddhism actually enjoyed considerable organizational power and influence. This flies in the face of the general description of Joseon Buddhism as "Sungyueokbul (revering Confucianism and supressing Buddhism)."