• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.69-82
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• 2013

The purpose of this study is to evaluate the effect of Dulegil in Bukhansan National Park in dispersing peak climbing hikers, characterize each section of Dulegil and suggest ideas of improvement. This study was conducted based on the survey completed by visitors in all 21 sections of Dulegil. After the construction of Dulegil, the number of visit to Dulegil grew and it was analyzed that Dulegil attracted new visitors given that the rate of young people(aged 19~30) who visited for the first time was quite high. Regarding the frequency of peak climbing, 7.6% of the respondents said "decreased" and 46.2% said "increased", showing that Dulegil's effect to disperse peak climbing hikers is nominal. Seven qualities were evaluated regarding Dulegil's level of satisfaction. Out of those seven, the quality of recreational place and taking a walk achieved high scores of 3.74 and 3.61 respectively. The quality of culture and history scored the lowest with 3.09. The analysis on the characteristic of each section of Dulegil, reason of visit, and the visitors' level of satisfaction showed that Dulegil is now regarded as a place where they can improve their health through light exercise and walking. In addition, a positive effect can be expected for a long time since there are different ways of utilizing the resources of the National Park, such as getting in touch with nature, preserving ecology, learning history and enjoying beautiful landscapes. If infrastructure and programs specific to each section of Dulegil were improved in a long-term perspective, it would be effective to encourage peak climbers and enjoy the lower parts of the mountain.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.4
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• pp.49-57
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• 2020

Traditional landscape is a cultural asset left by Seonhyeon to modern society, and it can not only understand the landscape culture of ancient tradition but also provides / provided a new creative material for modern landscape designs / designed. However, it is well known that Korea and China have a relationship between the development and exchange of landscaping in a global background, the succession of traditional landscape architecture culture in a global background covers many dimensions, including protection, development and innovation, and that "traditional and modern" and "regionally and internationality" should be harmonized with each other. This study uses traditional Korean and Chinese landscaping buildings as research subjects to extract and organize related data through various channels, including basic literature research that understands the history and culture of the two countries. I interpreted the cultural backgrounds of the two countries by dividing them into religious ideas, traditional culture, and natural views, and highlighted the history of development and the relationship between the two countries. Based on this, it analyzed the differences created by traditional landscaping between Korea and China, and also specifically analyzed the "creation of righteous army" and "the law of righteous army." In particular, this study sought to inherit and innovate traditional landscape culture for the internationalization of "One Belt, One Road" based on the characteristics of Korea and China's landscape through a comparative analysis of the construction elements and methods of Yihwawon of the Ming and Qing periods and Gyeongbokgung Palace of the Joseon Dynasty on the theoretical background of landscaping and the significance of landscaping. The direction for the development and exchange with landscaping between the two countries was presented in line with the development trend of Korea-China landscaping in the global environment. In the future, the development of landscaping between the two countries is expected to be key to international cooperation in traditional culture, creative combination of local characteristics, creation of a harmonious landscape architecture environment, and co-prosperity of various cultures.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.4
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• pp.123-144
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• 2006

Foreigners who arrived in Korea after the age of enlightenment were Japanese, Chinese and 'Westerners' who were Europeans and Americans. The westerners were diplomats who visited Korea for colonization or for increasing their economical profits by trading after the spread of imperialism, and tourists curious of back countries, artists, explores and missionaries to perform their roles for their religious beliefs. They contacted with Korean cultural and educational people as missionaries and instructors during Japanese colonial period. In 1945, the allied forces occupied Korea under the name of takeover of Japanese colony after Japan's surrender and the relation between foreigners and Korean cultured men enter upon a new phase. For 3 years, American soldiers enforced lots of systems in Korea and many pro-American people were educated. This relationship lasted even after the establishment of the government of Korean Republic and especially, diplomats called as pro-Korean group came again after Korean War. Among them, there were lots of foreigners interested in cultures and arts. In particular, government officials under American Forces who were influential on political circles or diplomats widened their insights toward Korean cultural assets and collected them a lot. Those who were in Korea from the period of independence to 1950s wrote their impressions about Korean cultural assets on newspapers or journals after visiting contemporary Korean exhibitions. Among them, A. J. McTaggart, Richard Hertz and the Hendersons were dominant. They thought the artists had great interests in compromising and uniting the Orient and the West based on their knowledge of Korean cultural assets and they advised. However, it was different from Korean artist's point of view that the foreigners thought Korean art adhered oriental features and contained western contents. From foreigners' point of view, it is hard to understand the attitude Korean artists chose to keep their self-respect through experiencing the Korean war. It is difficult to distinguish their thought about Korean art based on their exotic taste from the Korean artists' local and peninsular features under Japanese imperialism. We can see their thought about Korean art and their viewpoint toward the third world, after staying in Korea for a short period and being a member of the first world. The basic thing was that they could see the potentialities through the worldwide, beautiful Korean cultural assets and they thought it was important to start with traditions. It is an evidence showing Korean artists' pride in regard to the art culture through experiencing the infringement of their country. By writing about illuminating Korean art from the third party's view, foreigners represented their thoughts through it that their economical, military superiority goes with their cultural superiority. The Korean artist's thought of emphasizing Korean history and traditions, reexamining and using it as an original creation may have been inspired by westerners' writings. 'The establishment of national art' that Korean artists gave emphasis then, didn't only affect one of the reactions toward external impact, 'the adhesion of tradition'. In the process of introducing Korean contemporary art and national treasure in America, different view caused by role differences-foreigner as selector and Korean as assistant-showed the fact evidently that the standard of beauty differed between them. By emphasizing that the basis to classify Korean cultural assets is different from the neighborhood China and Japan, they tried to reflect their understanding that the feature of Korean art is on speciality other than universality. And this make us understand that even when Korean artists profess modernism, they stress that the roots are on Korean and oriental tradition. It was obviously a different thought from foreigners' view on Korean art that Korean artists' conception of modernism and traditional roots are inherent in Korean history. In 1950s, after the independence, Korea had different ideas from foreigners that abstract was to be learned from the west. Korea was enduring tough times with their artists' self-respect which made them think that they can learn the method, but the spirit of abstract is in the orient.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.231-266
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• 2014

The main contents of Baopuzi inner chapters becomes the basis for the claim "to be achieved Xian the way people can be" named and Shenxian theory that is deployed in the center of the universe body theory with a focus on Xuan and YI and Tao and a problem of "demonstration of Shenxian exist", or ancient science that describes the Chinese alchemy and Taoism spell in other words, inner chapters are writing and how to get prescription way of Shenxian, of medicine to become a predecessors, elephant of some of the changes in the ghost apparition, the longevity, how to avoid the epidemic out of the evil. Inner chapters are presented a regimen thought, the rationale for its mystical religion and philosophy of Monasticism ship on the basis of the theory Shenxian so. Baopuzi Inner chapters is presented in detail how to reach a comprehensive and realistic Shenxian long life in prison without the pre-Qin dynasty Taoism and Qinhan dynasty and times across the Weijin dynasty Shenxian ideas. And is presented in a typical Waidan and Neidan Taoism exercise this system and that in Taoism (Regimen) Thought the important position. Thought of Regimen is very important right information Inner chapters which constitutes the establishment of an important theoretical basis Shenxian Taoism of Gehong this research right in that you can see at a glance the thought of Regimen of Inner chapters is the desperate need for this requirement. It aims to illuminate the entire look of Regimen ever appeared immediately in Inner chapters this paper. After the analysis of the body Tao theory, The theory of the body and the spirit, The theory of Xingming, The theory of Shenxian theoretical foundations of thought appeared in Inner chapters Based on this, the first one conducted regulating the qi flowing in the channels method, Daoyin method, Pranayama, Closed breath, I saw one at the specifics of regimen method such, art of controlling and swallowing breath from the mouth, Convinced, Tuna breathing, Sishenshouyi method, Jinehuandan method, Fangzhongshu. And reporting features found Inner chaptersfinally saw the spirit of Regimen weigh its value.

• Journal of The Korean Association For Science Education
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.52-76
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• 2000

Following the previous study focused on the period until the middle of the 20th century, this study tried to show how STS-related ideas have been developed historically in British science education, particularly focused on the period of the 2nd half of the 20th century. Like the USA, the UK witnessed the development of numerous academically-oriented programs, such as Nuffield projects, during the 1950-60s. However, during the 1970s, there had been growing criticism against the discipline-centered science education and some new noticeable approaches had been made to compensate the contemporary trend. For example, although its main focus was on the integrated approach in school science, the SCISP was quite successful to illustrate the importance of the relationship between science and society. Following this example, Science in Society and SISCON-in-Schools were more ambitious in developing genuine STS programs. These two projects were developed simultaneously and took the form of modules, rather than of textbooks. Nevertheless, Science in Society was more concerned with the applied and industrial aspects of science while SISCON-in-Schools was more inclined to the historical, philosophical and social aspects of science. During the 1980s, far more ambitious attempts had been made to develop full-scale STS programs, i.e. Salters' Chemistry/Science and SATIS. These two programs have been developed with the active corporation from the ASE and soon became the typical examples of the STS approach across the world. Besides the similarities between them, Salters' approach is more application-oriented, subject-oriented, and textbook-like while SATIS is more socially-oriented, issue-oriented and module-style. In summary, the history of STS approach in school science shows that the STS programs were developed under the different social backgrounds and initiated by different groups of the people who have different views towards the purposes of school science and that the STS approach is certainly not the exclusive characteristic of the last period of the 20th century. Finally, the features of the major STS programs developed in Britain during the 20th century are summarized and compared in relation to the Ziman's criteria of the possible approaches in STS education. And some general conclusion are drown based on the study of the history of the STS approaches in Britain.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.33-52
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• 2011

This study intends to understand Kobong's thought, especially the problem of Self-cultivation. Kobong, along with Toegye(退溪), is a major figure to understand Confucian ideas of Chosun in the 16th century. There has been a lot of research centered on Kobong's Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情), but not much on the Self-cultivation of Kobong. Confucianism is basically to seek after actualization of Perfect Virtue(仁) and the way to be a sage, through the pursuit of self-discipline(修己 明明德) and social practice(安人 新民). The problems of Confucianism might be summarized as follows: interest and appreciation for the source of existence(知天/事天); harmony in relationships and practices(愛人/愛物); both of the above together. Therefore, Self-cultivation is to change the self, the subject of one's life, through the relationship between man and heaven. Kobong and Toegye had debated for about eight years(1559-1566) over the problem of human nature, especially emotion(情), and virtue and vice(善惡) fundamental position of Toegye is that the difference between Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) can be understood as emotion with qualitative distinction. By contrast, Kobong sees the relationship between Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) as that of total and partial. Discussion on the Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) is not restricted within the problem of logical analysis of concepts or theoretical validity, but come to a conclusion with the problem of Self-cultivation(修養). In this sense, Kobong tried to follow Neo-Confucian theory of human nature and self-cultivation, on the assumption of Confucian self-discipline and social practice.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.25
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• pp.197-222
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• 2009

In this treatise, the researcher closely examined the I-Xue(易學) compiled and edited by YulGok(栗谷) with a focus on the concept, namely Communication(疏通). I-Xue(易學) compiled by YulGok(栗谷) adopted the discourses of I-Xue(易學) or changes in the Song Dynasty of ancient China, and engrafted his own logics, dubbed Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙), thereunto. In YulGok(栗谷)'s I-Xue(易學), Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙) expresses a state of exchanging information and Communication(疏通), and, at this time, Communication(疏通) encompasses not only the meaning of communication between two heterogeneous factors but also the broader meaning of Communication(疏通) that embrace the Communication(疏通) between heaven and human beings. In his theories in relation to Tiyongyiyuan(體用一源) and Heluoxiangshulun(河洛象數論), YulGok(栗谷) also applied the logic of Communication(疏通). Although YulGok(栗谷) admits the general theory that substance and function have the same source, which understands principle and phenomenon as two forms of existence, he tried to place emphasis more on the aspect of Communication(疏通) by interpreting Li(理) and Xiang(象) in terms of the issues concerned with Li(理) and Jian(踐). In his theory concerned with Magic Squares and Circles, Images and Numbers, such a standpoint is being applied likewise. By emphasizing the fact that Hetu("河圖") may turn out to be Luoshu("洛書"), and vice versa, YulGok(栗谷) stressed that there are communicative relations that are required in order to communicate ideas to one another. In YulGok(栗谷)'s I-Xue(易學), the logic of Communication(疏通) is culminated with the discourse of Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與). YulGok(栗谷), in his book Ishuce(易數策), uses such expression as Tianrenjiaoyuzhimiao(天人交與之?), and, at this time, he used this expression bearing Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙) in mind. The reason for using the expression, such as Jiaoyu(交與), in lieu of Heyi(合一) is that YulGok(栗谷) tried to emphasize such relations as that heaven and humans are required for interrelated relationship. Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與) is an expression to indicate the close relationship between heaven and human beings, meanwhile, however, YulGok(栗谷) puts more emphasis on human efforts than those that of heaven. The reason for introducing human as the subjective figure in the Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與) is that YulGok(栗谷) tried to stress practical efforts of humans.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.9-35
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• 2017

This article is to study the life and philosophy of Jonjae Gidaeseung, who was at strife with his days and did not negotiate with himself, with focus on two concepts of buron(不穩, unrest) and 'sympathy'. It is the fact that to study the traditional philosopher is likely to be enlightening. In order to prevent the risk, we need to define first the concept of unrest as including anxiety to critical resistance. Also, I would like to propose the concept of sympathy in order to grasp the function of his mind which judges whether his feelings and actions are valid from an emotional horizon of unrest. Methodologically this article is to adopt a transversal and correlative thinking by combining an east Asian Confucian traditional concept unrest with a modern one space. It is because this research is to show a significant meaning when we study highlighted and hidden layers of our life and politics in 'now-here' and the 'between space' even though this transversal and correlative study shows the horizon of his life. This article is to investigate how a case is structured by occurrences and divergences and reinterpret a meaning from an emotional horizon. This process is done centering on two terms Guchatuan(pursuing ease ignobly), and Suwolbingho(moon reflected in the water and ice in a bottle), which is the source of Bingwoldang. The two terms were used by Jonjae himself. The latter shows an opposite meaning from the first and is accordingly a way by which we can look into his life and days. My research of Jonjae's life and politics from the emotional-philosophical level is original in that it reveals emotional traces beyond his philosophical ideas which previous studies did not show. In this article, I showed that Gobong was ambitious and resolute, and definite in his judgment and therefore was not good at controlling his uprightness. Also he was too straightforward to purify a language. His unrest characters made him conflict with old ministers and high ranking officials and therefore they avoided him even thought he was excellent in writing and learning and talented. He was oriented toward living by goodness and right Ways, which is summed up as Gisesa(vague movement, situational advantage, and death).

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.131-155
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• 2017

While the lecture activities in Simwonsa, Ganjae Jeon Wu(1841~1922) has established a "law of lecture activities" which was an ritual between a teacher and pupil, between the couple. Through this way he expected to recover the former ritual, even within their own school. In 1884 he built a "law of Sidong school", meaning to build a large object, elementary scholarship will serve as the rules of conduct, and argued that human nature mainly served to the core in the course of study. Ganjae in Mungyeong area was also discussing studies with Song Byeong-hwa(1852~1916) and received correspondence with scholars in areas related to Mungyeong. They were Kim Jae-kyung(1841~1926) and Park Se-hwa (1834~1910). Ganjae had also some big national events on the sojourn time in Mungyeong. In 1882 there were army incident, in 1884 there were a command of the government that people must pull on western clothes. Ganjae did not follow the command of the government. Someone asked "Can we not follow the command of the government?" Ganjae replied "We have a right to resist to the illegal command of the government. There were also 1884's Gapsin-coup, Ganjae saw that we must defend the country by rejecting foreign power and keeping our rituals. Given the above, the timing that Ganjae lectured in Mungyeong personally was a time that provided a clue to establish his core ideas. Nationally it was a time that must defend the country from foreign nations. Ganjae had faith that for keeping the country we must keep firmly our own rituals.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.50-80
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• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.