• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.2
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• pp.27-48
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• 2004

Robert Rauschenberg's artistic career has often been regarded as having reached its culmination when the artist won the first prize at the 1964 Venice Biennale. With this victory, Rauschenberg triumphantly entered the pantheon of all-American artists and firmly secured his position in the history of American art. On the other hand, despite the artist's ongoing new experiments in his art, the seemingly precocious ripeness in his career has led the critical discourses on Rauschenberg's art to the artist's early works, most of which were done in the mid-1950s and the 1960s. The crux of Rauschenberg criticism lies not only in focusing on the artist's 50's and 60's works, but also in its large dismissal of the significance of the imagery that the artist employed in his works. As art historians Roger Cranshaw and Adrian Lewis point out, the critical discourse of Rauschenberg either focuses on the formalist concerns on the picture plane, or relies on the "culturalist" interpretation of Rauschenberg's imagery which emphasizes the artist's "Americanness." Recently, a group of art historians centered around October has applied Charles Sanders Peirce's semiotics as art historical methodology and illuminated the indexical aspects of Rauschenberg's work. The semantic inquiry into Rauschenberg's imagery has also been launched by some art historians who seek the clues in the artist's personal context. The first half of this essay will examine the previous criticism on Rauschenberg's art and the other half will discuss the artist's 1955 work Rebus, which I think intersects various critical concerns of Rauschenberg's work, and yet defies the closure of discourses in one direction. The categories of signs in the semiotics of Charles Sanders Peirce and the discourse of Jean-Francois Lyotard will be used in discussing the meanings of Rebus, not to search for the semantic readings of the work, hut to make an analogy in terms of the paradoxical structures of both the work and the theory. The definitions of rebus is as follows: Rebus 1. a representation or words or syllables by pictures of object or by symbols whose names resemble the intended words or syllables in sound; also: a riddle made up wholly or in part of such pictures or symbols. 2. a badge that suggests the name of the person to whom it belongs. Webster's Third New International Dictionary of the English Language Unabridged. Since its creation in 1955, Robert Rauschenberg's Rebus has been one of the most intriguing works in the artist's oeuvre. This monumental 'combine' painting($6feet{\times}10feet$ 10.5 inches) consists of three panels covered with fabric, paper, newspaper, and printed reproductions. On top of these, oil paints, pencil and crayon drawings connect each section into a whole. The layout of the images is overall horizontal. Starting from a torn election poster, which is partially read as "THAT REPRE," on the far left side of the painting. Rebus leads us to proceed from the left to the right, the typical direction of reading in a Western context. Along with its seemingly proper title. Rebus, the painting has triggered many art historians to seek some semantic readings of it. These art historians painstakingly reconstruct the iconography based on the artist's interviews, (auto)biography, and artistic context of his works. The interpretation of Rebus varies from a 'image-by-image' collation with a word to a more general commentary on Rauschenberg's work overall, such as a work that "bridges between art and life." Despite the title's allusion to the legitimate purpose of the painting as a decoding of the imagery into sound, Rebus, I argue, actually hinders a reading of it. By reading through Peirce to Rauschenberg, I will delve into the subtle anxiety between words and images in their works. And on this basis, I suggest Rauschenberg's strategy in playing Rebus is to hide the meaning of the imagery rather than to disclose it.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.88-105
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• 2020

This study examined existing theories of the characteristics of the abandoned tumulus site located at the east side of the Silla era Hwang Bok Sa (皇福寺) site and attempted an archaeological approach based on the derived facts, combining both the results of this study and those of a recently conducted excavation survey. The results of this investigation exhibited the following outcomes. First, the excavation survey revealed that the huge rounded stones discovered on the surface of a rice paddy field located at the east side of the Silla era Hwang Bok Sa were all protecting stones, processed on the front side in the form of a bow, designating a royal tomb. Most of these protecting stones had deviated from their original positions due to subsequent farming practices and some had been re-cycled for construction purposes as fences or foundations for structures built in the Silla era. Considering the prevailing belief in the concept of reincarnation, the bone rank system, and royal authority in the Silla era at that time, it would seem likely that the royal tombs were not intentionally destroyed. Therefore, it is speculated that the stones in this royal tomb were abandoned during construction of the tomb of the King at that time and then naturally re-cycled as building components used in construction sites in later years. Second, this study comparatively analyzed the scale and quality of the supporting stones at the royal tomb site in Guhwang-dong. The analysis results verified that those supporting stones were the same stones from the royal tomb used as supporting stones for statues symbolizing the twelve earthly branch spirits that were restored at the site of the tower at the royal tomb. This confirmed that the statues of the twelve earthly branches spirits sitting at the Hwang Bok Sa site were the protecting stones from a different royal tomb. Accordingly, the conclusion that has been generally accepted to date-that the protecting stones of the statues of twelve earthly branches spirits sitting at Hwang Bok Sa site were probably moved from the royal tomb site in Guhwang-dong-must inevitably be modified. Third, based on the structure of the protecting stones and type of the royal tomb, it is speculated that the individual buried in the royal tomb at Guhwang-dong is one of the kings who followed King Heungdeok and similar times of the buried person of the tomb that was considered as King Gyeongdeok, and who was before the buried person of the tomb that was considered as Kim Yu-sin. In addition, when considering the historical art patterns on the supporting stones of the statues that symbolize the twelve earthly branches spirits, which were moved to the site of the tower at the royal tomb, it is reasonable to believe that the person buried at the royal tomb at Guhwang-dong is likely one of the Kings of the late Silla era of the 9^th century.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.46-57
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• 2014

This study contemplated the gardening culture from the pictures, which the scholars of late Joseon Dynasty, the aspects of garden landscapes and garden use behaviors are drawn as follows. 1. The yard by the detached house for men and guest in front of the premises(Sarang Madang) and backyard were the major places for Ahoi(social gatherings of the scholars). The mansions had interests in the management of the outer garden beyond the house wall with building structures like the pavilions on the high walls and side gates. This management and the selection of location anticipating in advance of the management are noteworthy. 2. Only house gardens had plant pots with flowers and the small flower bed(Hwa-O) at Sarang Madang occasionally had plant pots without flowers and oddly shaped stone pots and equipped pine branch eaves and traditional awnings made of plant material like a trellis. 3. The oddly shaped stones were significant landscape elements in the gardens of houses and villas. Some of them were depicted as the Taihu stone and this draws attention to the question of whether the Taihu stone was actually used in the garden of late Joseon Dynasty. 4. The gardens in villas accommodated the borrowed scenery with various materials like wooden fences, bamboo or reed fences, mud walls. They also had the artificial gardens with some odd shaped stones, old pines, bamboos, Japanese apricots, willows, paulownia trees, lotuses and plantains in the secured Madangs. 5. Gyeong Hwa Sa Jog(The scholars of the ruling class adapted to the 18th century's new historical aspect) of late Joseon Dynasty built the villas at the beautiful scenery closed to the their houses. 6. The Gardens around pavilions were located high closed to the mountain streams with nature like beautiful forests, oddly formed rocks, precipitous cliffs and viewing stones. The back side of the pavilion was enclosed by bamboo forests and the front had pines, ginkgoes and willows as shade trees. 7. The beautiful scenery which was preferred as the place for Ahoi was basically with fantastic peaks and precipitous cliffs which forms the distant view harmonized with a waterfall. Broad and flat rocks at the summit of a mountain which commands a bird's-eye view or on a mountain streamside with pine forest, willows and plum trees were chosen as the optimal places for Ahoi. 8. Pine trees were presumed to be more preferable than other species in the garden, especially an single planted old pine tree accented symbolism. 9. Portable tea braziers for boiling tea were adopted in all four types of the gardens. 10. The gardens mixed with auspicious landscape elements were the places of the arts for an unworldliness Ahoi through GeumGiSeoHwa(enjoying strings, go, writing and painting) and boiling tea.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.1
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• pp.92-102
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• 2020

The followings are the landscape preference aspects from the 816 landscapes(景, Kyung), which comprise the 78 modern Palkyungs, presented by the 78 local governments in Korea. First, the natural environment elements selected as Kyung(景), which are topographical landscapes, mostly consist of mountain elements such as mountains, terrace(臺), rocks and stones and water elements classified as rivers, oceans, and lakes. Natural elements also include old-growth and giant trees such as pines, ginkgos, Japanese cornels and fringe trees, tree-lined streets and forests, and plant elements such as azaleas, rhododendrons, lotuses, reeds, and silver grasses which provide seasonal landscapes. Second, more than half of Kyung, selected as human environment elements, are historical and cultural heritages such as graveyards, mountain fortresses, town fortresses, traditional villages, pavilion in villas, and temples. And it is followed by leisure tourism facilities such as traditional markets, exhibition halls, theme parks, beaches, and food streets, green-based structures such as trails, plazas, parks, and botanical gardens, and industrial heritages such as ranches, abandoned coal mines, stations, ports and bridges. Third, modern Palkyungs include objects not related to the views such as local representative facilities, regional products, and festivals. Fourth, although most of the modern Palkyungs consist of eight, some include 20, 38, or 100 in order to increase the number of objects of public relations. Fifth, a certain local government makes two modern Palkyungs with different subjects by introducing traditional Palkyung and modern Palkyung altogether. In this case, it presents several modern Palkyungs like by selecting Palkyungs in a limited area. Furthermore, one Palkyung includes numerous place names at a time in some cases. Sixth, Sosangjeonhyeong(瀟湘典型)-style modern Palkyung uses 'NakAn(落雁)' as the name of Kyung. Sosangyusahyeong(瀟湘類似型)-style modern Palkyung expresses 'Hyojong(曉鐘)' and landscape of glow of the setting sun, sunset, night view, dawn, sunrise and depicts cloud, sunset, moon, and snow. There are many Myeongsocheheomhyeong(名所體驗型)-style Palkyungs exhibiting the behavior of tourism and Myeongseunghyeong(名勝型)-style Palkyungs raising the awareness only by the names of the places. Seventh, modern Palkyung's naming styles are diverse, such as using only four letters instead of specifying Kyungmul(景物) or Kyungsaek(景色) in combination with Chinese characters or adding modifiers specializing in places.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.146-158
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• 2012

This study aims to discussion the characteristics of location and spatial organization of the Seoul Sajikdan that has significance as one of national ceremonial place in Joseon Dynasty to understand its landscape architectural characteristics. To do this, we studied in two ways; review of historical documents and analysis of the present conditions and photographing, research materials about the form of physical structure. Through these ways, the results are as follows. First, in case of construction, Sajikdan took fundamental shape in Tae-jong 16 year(1416), since then it had been changed during Imjin War, reign of Suk-jong, and Japanese Colonial Era. It took present shape through restoration of Seoul Sajikdan in 1998. Second, in case of location, Sajikdan abuts onto southeastern range of Mt. Inwang that is Wubaekho(右白虎) of inner four mountain(內四山) of Hanyang, and it has a topography of west-high-east-low type. Also its territory is up to Maedong elementary school, the office of Sajik-dong, and a Dangun shrine. Third, in case of spatial organization, Sadan and Jikdan are in harmony of Yin-Yang(陰陽) and arranged in the center. As making Yumun and Sinmun(神門) at the center of four side of Yuwon and Juwon(周垣), they show organization of the Five Elements. And subsidiary buildings are thought that its arrangement was considered functional similarity and use convenience. Finally, in case of spatial component, Danyu structures are Sadan and Jikdan that hold a Sajikdaeje(社稷大祭), Yuwon that surround two altars, and Juwon that is outer fence of Yuwon. Architectures are Sajikdan Jeongmun, Sinsil, and Anhyangcheong. Also Prunus yedoensis, Zelkova serrata, Acer palmatum, are planted, but Pinus densiflora was main species and there needs to be replanted suitably to the site.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.47 no.2
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• pp.88-99
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• 2019

This study aims to conduct a depth analysis of motivation and value of local residents and tourists based on means-end chain theory. The sampling of the study was conducted on local residents living near downtown area of Gyeong-ju City, and tourists through soft laddering and hard laddering methods. A mutual correlation model in relation with Hierarchical Value Map (HVM) for each group by conducting the analysis of factor loading (attributes, consequences, value) and cognitive structure (the correlations among attributes, consequences and value) was proposed and the comparisons of HVM for each group was also conducted. The structured questionnaires using Association Pattern Technique (APT) of hard laddering were utilized to analyze the means and end of value chain structures in terms of the attributes, consequences, value of Gyeong-ju Ancient Tombs. The findings propose that local residents are visiting Ancient Tombs Gyeong-ju City Center for 'Rest and take a walk' as the means, which results in 'Relieving stress' and eventually leads to the 'Improvement of historic and cultural cultivation' as the end. On the other hand, tourists also 'Rest and take a walk' as the mean, which also leads to 'Relieving stress'. However, unlike local residents, it eventually leads to 'Self-reflection and healing' as the end. It is expected that the findings of this study not only recommend us to consider preserving and managing cultural heritages and value of ancient tombs in developing "Ancient Tomb Park in Gyoneg-ju City Center" but also provides baseline data for the establishment of reasonable plans of utilizing tombs, historical and cultural heritages.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.1
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• pp.62-79
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• 2015

The Stele for State Preceptor Doseon and Seon Master Sumi of Dogapsa Temple in Yeongam was erected in the fourth month of 1653. It was made with stone obtained from Yeosan(present-day Yeosan-myeon, Iksansi), and contains an inscription - engraved in the spring of 1651 - commemorating the two priests. The project to erect the monument was led by eminent monks, including Gakseong and Sucho, with the support of royal patrons and powerful statesmen including Prince Inpyeong(1622~1658). This monument is thought to be the first of its kind to have a capstone in the shape of a 'dragon loop' handle of the kind traditionally attached to the top of a temple bell. Stone stelae with a dragon-loop-shaped capstone continued to be used by the royalty and nobility of Joseon until the 18th century. The inscription engraved on the rear face of the monument reveals that it was made by Jo Mal-ryong, a renowned stonemason who worked on stone monuments and figures for royal tombs in the mid-Joseon period. He is known as the only stonemason to have been awarded the third highest rank(Jeong-sampum) of government, including the posts of Grand Master(Tongjeong Daebu) and General(Jeolchung Janggun), as recorded in the inscription. The monument corroborates the prevalent view that he was the creator of monumental capstones of the highest aesthetic merit in Joseon, and provides valuable insights about the leading artisans who produced monumental stones for royal tombs in the 17th century. This particular monument is highly regarded as a valuable historical relic because of the detailed information contained in the inscription, including the dates, work processes, patrons and artisans related with its creation, and because it features outstanding workmanship by some of the greatest artisans of the period. The monument also provides important clues about the transition from the Buddhist monuments created under the auspices of the royalty and nobility of mid-period Joseon to the symbolic stone structures and figures made for the tombs of royalty and nobility.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.80-99
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• 2012

It is known that there are two Gabong taesil (shrine for King's umbilical cord) of King Danjong, the 6th king of Joseon, remaining today. One of them is Mt. Sogok in Sacheon-city, Gyeongsangnam-do and the other is Mt. Beomnim in Seongju-gun, Gyeongsangbuk-do. The academic sector argued about this matter as there cannot be two Gabong taesil for one king. I once argued that Taesil on Mt. Beomnim in Seongju is King Danjong's Gabong taesil and Danjong taesil in Sacheon is the one for Prince Inseongdaegun, the eldest son of King Yejong. At that time, however, I had not examined the archaeological relics found in these places. In result of making an archaeological approach, I have come to the following conclusions :1. King Danjong had two Taesil : Agi taesil(shrine for baby's umbilical cord) and Gabong taesil. The first Agi taesil was created on Taebong of Mt. Seonseok in Seongju on November 26, 1441, but was moved to Mt. Beomnim in Seongju in 1451 to form the second Agi taesil. In 1458, King Sejo eliminated his Taesil. The stone structures of Gabong taesil still remains on Taebong of Mt. Beomnim, so it has been assumed that King Danjong established them during his reign (1452-1455). 2. Taesil in Sacheon has been known as King Danjong's Taesil because of King Danjong's reinstatement during the reign of King Sukjong. His Taesil was repaired with the reinstatement and King Sukjong was mistaken that Taesil in Sacheon was King Danjong's Taesil to fix it. The time of restoration has been assumed to be soon after the restoration of King Danjong's tomb (1699-1719). Taesil is missing the book of records and rails around the stone structure because the tombs of reinstated kings were restored without rails. 3. It is incorrect that Taesil in Sacheon was known as King Danjong's Taesil, It has been concluded that this Taesil was for Prince Inseongdaegun who was born in 1462. I focused on the fact that Prince Inseongdaegun's Taesil was in Seosamneung Taesil instead of King Danjong's Taesil. When Yiwangjik stored King Danjong's Taesil in Seoul in 1928 and moved it to Seosamneung in 1930, he found that the epitaph on the tombstone recorded that it was Prince Inseongdaegun, not King Danjong, and created Prince Inseongdaegun's Taesil in Seosamneung. I referred to "Taebong", which was created when Seosamneung Taesil was built during the Japanese imperial rule over Joseon, and the relics found in Taesil in Sacheon and Seosamneung.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.4
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• pp.94-104
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• 2018

This study examined photogrammetric reconstruction techniques that can measure the original form of a cultural property utilizing photographs taken in the past. During the research process, photographs taken in the past as well as photograph on the internet of Soswaewon Garden in Damyang(scenic site 40) were collected and utilized. The landscaping structures of Maedae, Aiyangdan, Ogokmun Wall, and Yakjak and natural scenery Gwangseok, of which photographs can be taken from any 360 degree direction from a close distance or a far distance without any barriers in the way, were selected and tested for the possibility of reproducing three-dimensional shapes. The photography method of 151 landscape photographs (58.6%) from internet portal sites for the aforementioned five landscape subjects containing information on the date the photograph was taken, focal length, and exposure were analyzed. As a result of the analysis, it was revealed that the majority of the photographs tend to focus on important parts of each subject. In addition, we discovered that there are two or three photography methods that internet users preferred in regards to each landscape subject. For the purposes of the experiment, photographs in which a single scene consistently appears for each landscape subject and it was determined that there was a high level of preference related to the photography method were analyzed, and three-dimensional mesh shape model was produced with a photoscan program to analyze the reproducibility of three-dimensional shapes. Based on the results of the reproduction, it was relatively possible to reproduce three-dimensional shapes for artifacts such as Ogukmun wall, Maedae, and Aeyangdan, but it was impossible to reproduce three-dimensional images for natural scenery or an object that has similar texture such as Yakjak and Gwangseok. As a result of experimentation related to the reconstruction of three-dimensional shapes with the photographs taken on site using a photography method similar to that of the photographs selected as previously mentioned, there was success related to reproducing the three-dimensional shapes of Yakjak and Gwangseok, of which it was not possible to do so through the photographs that had been collected previously. In addition, through comparison of past and present images, it was possible to measure the exact sizes as well as discover any changes that have taken place. If past photographs taken by tourists or landscape architects of cultural properties can be obtained, the three-dimensional shapes from a particular period of time can be reproduced. If this technology becomes widespread, it will increase the level of accuracy and reliability in regards to measuring the past shapes of cultural landscape properties and examining any changes to the properties.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.179-204
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• 2017

Hojil(虎叱) and Yangbanjeon(兩班傳) reveal the characteristic styles of Park Jiwon(朴趾源)'s writing, which is combining styles of unofficial history/biography(外傳) and allegory(寓言), and full of the senses of satire and humour which form another characteristc of his writing style or tone. This paper reexamines narrative styles, meaning structures and themes of these two works which combine the styles of unofficial history/biography and allegory, and researches methods and techniques of allegory and satire which presents the subversive and critical themes and thoughts of the author. In Hojil, combining of the two styles, the author constructs the narrative world and plot, manipulates allegoric figures to symbolize and present multilayered meaning, and criticize the decadence of confucian aristocracy [Sadaebu: 士大夫] and it's abuses. In Yangbanjeon by combining of two styles, the author weave a biography of Yangban(兩班) in general, which presents the attributes and historical position of the Yangban class. And by the nonsensical fictional event which caricatures crisis of the Yangban class, and tedious description of the manners and behaviors of the Yangban, the author and satires the snobbery of the Yangban and the absurdity of their classical privileges. As he did in Hojil, the author urges the self-examination of the reader raising a question about the position and the function or duty of the Yangban class in the changing world. And the various skills of satire together with the irony, paradox, parody and pun were used dexterously in above two works.