• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.3
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• pp.218-247
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• 1989

As mentioned above, I got the next conclusion since I had considered the medical contents of the ancient period(上古時代) and the era of the old-Korea(古朝鮮時代) through several bibliographic records. 1. There were Pung-baeg(風伯), Uh-sa(雨師), Un-sa(雲師) that were the names of the governmental officials during the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄). Among them, Uh-sa specially managed the treatment for diseases. When we think of the significance of Pung(風)-which means the winds, Uh(雨)-which means the rain, Un(雲)-which means of clouds, we will find out that the human life will be affected by all kinds of phenomena of the nature. So I can infer that ancestries could prevent and treat diseases with adjusting them tn the changes in the weather. 2. There were five government officials(五事) in the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄上古時代). They are Uh-ga(牛加), Ma-ga(馬加), Ku-ga(狗加), Cheo-ga(猪加) and Yang-ga(羊加), and had charges of five important duties. Among them, Cheo-ga was set to a charge of treatment for diseases. So we can notice that there existed people who treated for diseases professionally. When we think of the meanings of Uh(牛)-which intends cows or bulls. Ma(馬)-which intends horses, Ku(狗)-which intends dogs, Cheo(猪)-which intends wild boars and Yang(羊)-which intends sheep, we can see that livestocks would be raised at that time, and they came to have more chances to digest meat. Since the digestion of meat became to be a burden on the stomach and the intestines, it might cause a lot of indigestive troubles. 3. When I compared Tan-gun Pal-ga(檀君八加) with the Oh-ga(五加) in the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄上古時代), I could tell that the community of Tan-gun's period is more advanced and specialized than one of Whan-ung's. When I think of the next sentence ; "The Prince Imperial, Bu-u(夫虞) become to be a Ro-ga(鷺加), who treat for diseases professionally.", I am sure that the treatment for diseases was more importment than any other things, because he was the third son of Tan-gun(檀君). 4. According to Tan-gun(檀君) mythology, Whan-ung(桓雄) came down from the heaven of the pure Yang(純陽) to the earth and then changed into a man who had had more Yang(陽) than Yin(陰). And a bear came up from the underground(or the cave) to the ground and then changed into a women who had had more Yin(陰) than Yang(陽). So both of them became to hold together. This story implicated that ancestors had taken a serious view of each of them, namely the ancestors didn't give the ascendance to the one side of them, and made much account of the mutual harmony. So I am sure that this fact coincided with the basic theories of oriental medical science. To refer to two proverbs of Tan-gun mythology that are "Ki-Sam-Chil-Il(忌三七日)" which means caring for twenty one days, and "Pul-Gyon-Il-Gwang-Baeg-Il(不見日光百日)" which means keeping indoors for one hundred days, I can tell you that "twenty-one-day" involves the principle of the birth of life, and "one-hundred-day" contains a preparatory period or the period of death to bear another life. 5. From the medical stuff, such as wormwood(艾), garlic(蒜), or wonder-working herbage(靈草), that had been written at the bibliographic papers of the ancient period(上古時代) and the era of the old-Korea(古朝鮮時代), I consider that many people might get a lot of women's diseases, indigestive troubles, and other diseases that were caused by the weakness, but with using various spices, such as the leaves of water pepper(蔘), they could prevent the occurrance of all kinds of diseases previously. So I regard this treatment as the medicine from food. 6. One of the sayings at Nae-gyong(內經) is that "The stone accupuncture(砭石) came from the orient." We can see both "wonder-wor-king wormwood(靈草)" and "dried wormwood(乾艾)" in the several bibliographic papers of the ancient history of the old-Korea(朝鮮上古史). From these records, I can be convinced that ancestors would utilize the acupuncture(針) and the moxa cautery(灸) to cure a patient of a disease. 7. Even though someone claimed that the book, "medical science and chemistry(醫學化學)" and "medical treatment(醫學大方)" had had been written during the ancient period of the old-Korea(上古朝鮮時代), such a fact can't have been ascertained historical evidence. But it has been handed down that there existed the original phonetic alphabet, such as the "Ka-Im-To alphabet(加臨土文字)" at that time. The terms about the diseases, which had been occurred at the community of the old-Korea(古朝鮮地域), were recorded fragmentarily at other records after that time. The origin of confucianism came from the race of the eastern barbarians, and Tae-Ho-Pok-Hi(太嗅伏義) and the king. Sun(舜) came from the eastern barbarians, too. The divination of tortoise shells at the country of Un(殷) is another from which was developed at the eastern barbarians' fortune-telling of animal bones. From these facts, I can infer that, by all means, they might record the medical knowledge which had been stored for thousands of years while contacting with china directly.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.1
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• pp.115-131
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• 2020

Through literature research and field investigation, this paper attempts to study the distribution, morphology and the typification of the visual and perceptual stone inscription in Wuyi-Gugok of China. The results are as follows: First, there are 350 stone inscriptions in total from the 1^st Gok to 9^th Gok in Wuyi-Gugok. Second, according to the analysis of the stone inscription distribution, 74(21.2%) stone inscriptions in the 5^th Gok, 67(19.2%) in the 6^th Gok, 65(18.6%) in the 1^st Gok, 60(17.2%) in the 2^nd Gok and 53(15.2%) in the 4^th Gok are confirmed. The above five Goks contain 319(91.1%) stone inscriptions, so they have rich cultural landscape. Third, according to the survey, the number of the stone inscriptions existed in the Sugwangseok of the 1^st Gok are 41(22.6%), in the Homagan of Cheonyubong of the 6^th Gok are 29(8.3%), in the Jesiam of the 4^th Gok are 23(6.6%), in the Nyeongam of the 2^nd Gok are 22(6.3%), in the Hyangseongam of the 6^th Gok are 21(6%), in the Unwa of the 5^th Gok are 19(5.4%), in the Bokhoam of the 5^th Gok are 18(5.1%), in the Eunbyeongbong of the 5^th Gok are 17(4.9%), in the Daejangbong of the 4^th Gok are 14(4%), in the Daewangbong of the 1^st Gok and the Geumgokam of the 4^th Gok are 12(3.4%). Thus, a total of 228 (65.1%) stone inscriptions are concentrated in these 11 sites, which represent the popularity and cultural value of these rocks. Fourth, the stone inscription of Wuyi-Gugok, praising the landform and topographical geological landscape of Mount Wuyi, mainly describe the scenic name of each Gok related to Zhu Xi's Gugok culture, appreciate Zhu Xi's tracks and the stone inscription in the sacred land of Neo-Confucianism culture, and also record the Confucian edification of mencius thoughts, Muigun(武夷君) and the myths and legends related to the site names of Wuyi mountain, which can remind people of the worldview of the celestial paradise where the gods live and the fairyland of the land of peach blossoms. In addition, it indicates that the historical and cultural landscape, which is full of colorful history and myths and legends, including allusions related to Confucian, buddhist and Taoist celebrities and the ancestor ancient things related to traditional culture of China is very diverse. Fifth, the results of the classification, based on the content of the stone inscription in Wuyi-Gugok, are classified as the scenery name inscription, the praise scene inscription, the recording travel inscription, the recording event inscription, the philosophy inscription, the expressing emotion inscription, the religion inscription, the inscription for auspiciousness, the slogan and expressing ambition inscription and the official document notice inscription, among which there are 102(29.1%) praise scene inscriptions, 93(26.6%) scenery name inscriptions and 61(17.4%) recording travel inscriptions. The stone inscriptions of Wuyi-Gugok have the characteristics of the special emphasis on scenery names, landscape praise and commemorative tours. Sixth, the analysis of the intertext between the 「Figure of Wuyi-Gugok」 and Wuyi-Gugok rock letters, in the study found that the method of propagation between media was mostly the method of propagation of quotations and maintained intermedia through extension, repetition, extension, and compression.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.160-175
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• 2013

There is the need to make a sharp distinction as regards JANGSEUNGs (Korean traditional totem poles) that are different in origin, history and function. This study is to identify the functions of the figures, as well as to trace stone JANGSEUNGs to their origins. In this regard, researched were conducted into the origins of JANGSEUNGs and their changes in history. There was a tradition in the GORYEO Dynasty (an ancient dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) that it erected JANGSAENGs (the archaic name of JANGSEUNGs) or allied stone figures within temples; especially, 'TONGDOSA GUKJANGSAENG SEOKPYO (a stone JANGSAENG that was erected by the royal command and is at the entrance of TONGDO Temple located in YANGSAN, South GYEONGSANG Province, South Korea)' functions as a stone monument rather than as a stone sign. In the engraved inscription, it is written that it should be erected in the form of PANA as before. 'PANA' refers to 'ZHONGKUI', a god in Chinese Taoism believed to exorcise devils that spread diseases. The inscription is to define the territory of TONGDO Temple. The article on HAN JUN GYEOM in a book 'WORAKGI (a travelogue on WORAK Mountain in North CHUNGCHEONG Province, South Korea)' written by HEO MOK makes it possible to guess the scale of GUKJANGSAENGs erected in DOGAP Temple. The stones, on which 'GUKJANGSAENG' or 'HWANGJANGSAENG' were engraved, are not JANGSAENGs but are demarcation posts. In the JOSEON Dynasty (the last dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) JANGSAENGs functioned as signposts. Unlike JANGSAENGs in temples, they were made of wood. At first, the word 'JANGSAENG' was written '長生' in Chinese characters, but in the JOSEON Dynasty another character '木 (wood)' was added to them, and thus the orthography was likely to change into 'JANGSEUNG.' In the JOSEON Dynasty, in addition, optative or geomantic figures were not called 'JANGSEUNG.' Historically, for instance, there has been no case where 'DOL HARBANGs (stone figures found only in JEJU ISLAND, South Korea)' are called 'JANGSEUNG.' In a book 'TAMRA GINYEON (a historical record on JEJU Island, South Korea)' it is written that KIM MONG GYU, JEJU governor, erected ONGJUNG Stones outside the fortress gate. ONGJUNG Stones usually refer to stone statues erected in front of ancient kings or dignitaries' mausoleums. Moreover, they were geomantic figures erected to suppress miasma. A magazine 'GWANGJUEUPJI (a journal on old GWANGJU, South Korea, 1899)' shows that two two ONGJUNG Stones were so erected that they might look at each other to suppress miasma from a pathway through which lucks lose. On the two stone figures located in BUAN-EUP, North JEOLLA Province, South Korea, inscriptions 'SANGWON JUJANGGUN' and 'HAWON DANGJANGGUN' were engraved. The words are to identify the figures' sexes. They are a kind of optative geomantic figures, and therefore there is no reason to call them 'JANGSAENG' or 'JANGSEUNG' or 'DANGSAN.' The words 'SANGWON' and 'HAWON' are closely associated with Taoism. Since then, the words have been widely used as inscriptions on stone figures in temples, and subsequently are used for JANGSEUNGs. A hatted ONGJUNG Stone, found in BUKANSAN Fortress, disappeared and other ones may be being buried somewhere. Meanwhile, ONGJUNG Stones in JEJU Island and stone figures in BUAN-EUP have hardly been displaced and thus have properly functioned. Stone figures, made in those days, seem to be most similar in function to JANGSAENGs made during the GORYEO Dynasty. Specifically, like earlier JANGSAENGs, stone figures made during the early to mid-18th century were likely to function not only as optative figures but as boundary stones. Most of stone figures in temples were made whenever the land use survey was conducted throughout the nation, but given that at the same period of time, the commonalty filed many lawsuits against grave sites, temples might erect many stone figures to mark their territories. Currently, wooden or stone figures are commonly called 'JANGSEUNG', but they were erected in different epochs and for different reasons. Their origins are to be sought in stone figures that functioned not only as optative figures in temples but as boundary stones during the GORYEO Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.2
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• pp.86-103
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• 2016

'Sukchunjeahdo' illustration-book, which was left by Han, Pil-gyo(韓弼敎 : 1807~1878)in the late Joseon Dynasty, includes pictorial record paintings containing government offices, Eupchi, and Feng Shui condition drawn by Gyehwa(界畵) method Sabangjeondomyobeop(四方顚倒描法) and is the rare historical material that help to understand spatial structure and landscape characteristics. Youngyuhyun(永柔縣) and Sincheongun(信川郡) town, the case sites of this study, show Feng Shui foundation structure and placement rules of government offices in the Joseon Period are applied such as 3Dan 1Myo(三壇一廟 : Sajikdan, Yeodan, Seonghwangdan, Hyanggyo), 3Mun 3Jo(三門三朝 : Oeah, Dongheon, Naeah) and Jeonjohuchim(前朝後寢) etc. by setting the upper and lower hierarchy of the north south central axis. The circulation system is the pattern that roads are segmented around the marketplace of the entrance of the town and the structure is that heading to the north along the internal way leads to the government office and going out to the main street leads to the major city. Baesanimsu(背山臨水 : Mountain in backward and water in front) foundation, back hill pine forest, intentionally created low mountains and town forest etc. showed landscape aesthetics well suited for the environmental comfort condition such as microclimate control, natural disaster prevention, psychological stability reflecting color constancy principle etc. and tower pavilions were built throughout the scenic spot, reflecting life philosophy and thoughts of contemporaries such as physical and mental discipline, satisfied at the reality of poverty, returning to nature etc. For government office landscape, shielding and buffer planting, landscape planting etc. were considered around Gaeksa(客舍), Dongheon(東軒), Naeah(內衙) backyard and deciduous tree s and flowering trees were cultivated as main species and in case of Gaeksa, tiled pavilions and pavilions topped with poke weed in tetragonal pond were introduced to Dongheon and Naeah and separate pavilions were built for the purpose of physical and mental discipline and military training such as archery. Back hill pine tree forest formed back landscape and zelkova, pear trees, willow trees, old pine trees, lotus, flowering trees etc. were cultivated as gardening trees and Feng-Shui forest with willow trees as its main species was created for landscape and practical purposes. On the other hand, various cultural landscape elements etc. were introduced such as pavilions, pond serving as fire protection water(square and circle), stone pagoda and stone Buddha, fountains and wells, monument houses, flagpoles etc. In case of Sincheongun town forest(邑藪), Manhagwan(挽河觀), Moonmujeong(文武井), Sangjangdae(上場岱) and Hajangdae(下場岱) Market place, Josanshup<(造山藪 : Dongseojanglim(東西長林)>, Namcheon(南川) etc. were combined and community cultural park with the nature of modern urban park was operated. In this context, government office landscape shows the garden management aspect where square pond and pavilions, flowering trees are harmonized around side pavilion and backyard. Also, environmental design technique not biased to aesthetics and ideological moral philosophy and comprehensively considering functionality (shielding and fire prevention, microclimate control, etc.) and environmental soundness etc. is working.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.81-89
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• 2011

The results of tracking the symbolism of plants in the introduction factors of Sokhwa(folk painting) are as the following. 1. The term Sokhwa(俗畵) is not only a type of painting with a strong local customs, but also carries a symbolic meaning and was discovered in "Donggukisanggukjip" of Lee, Gyu-Bo(1268~1241) in the Goryo era as well as the various usage in the "Sok Dongmunseon" in the early Chosun era, "Sasukjaejip" of Gang, Hee-mang(1424~1483), "Ilseongrok(1786)" in the late Chosun era, "Jajeo(自著)" of Yoo, Han-joon(1732~1811), and "Ojuyeonmunjangjeonsango(五洲衍文長箋散稿)" of Lee, Gyu-gyung(1788~?). Especially, according to the Jebyungjoksokhwa allegation〈題屛簇俗畵辯證說〉in the Seohwa of the Insa Edition of Ojuyeonmunjangjeonsango, there is a record that the "people called them Sokhwa." 2. Contemporarily, the Korean Sokhwa underwent the prehistoric age that primitively reflected the natural perspective on agricultural culture, the period of Three States that expressed the philosophy of the eternal spirits and reflected the view on the universe in colored pictures, the Goryo Era that religiously expressed the abstract shapes and supernatural patterns in spacein symbolism, and the Chosun Era that established the traditional Korean identity of natural perspective, aesthetic values and symbolism in a complex integration in the popular culture over time. 3. The materials that were analyzed in 1,009 pieces of Korean Sokhwa showed 35 species of plants, 37 species of animals, 6 types of natural objects and other 5 types with a total of 83 types. 4. The shape aesthetics according to the aesthetic analysis of the plants in Sokhwa reflect the primitive world view of Yin/yang and the Five Elements in the peony paintings and dynamic refinement and biological harmonies in the maehwado; the composition aesthetics show complex multi-perspective composition with a strong noteworthiness in the bookshelf paintings, a strong contrast of colors with reverse perspective drawing in the battlefield paintings, and the symmetric beauty of simple orderly patterns in nature and artificial objects with straight and oblique lines are shown in the leisurely reading paintings. In terms of color aesthetics, the five colors of directions - east, west, south, north and the center - or the five basic colors - red, blue, yellow, white and black - are often utilized in ritual or religious manners or symbolically substitute the relative relationships with natural laws. 5. The introduction methods in the Korean Sokhwa exceed the simple imitation of the natural shapes and have been sublimated to the symbolism that is related to nature based on the colloquial artistic characteristics with the suspicion of the essence in the universe. Therefore, the symbolism of the plants and animals in the Korean Sokhwas is a symbolic recognition system, not a scientific recognition system with a free and unique expression with a complex interaction among religious, philosophical, ecological and ideological aspects, as a identity of the group culture of Koreans where the past and the future coexist in the present. This is why the Koran Sokhwa or the folk paintings can be called a cultural identity and can also be interpreted as a natural and folk meaningful scenic factor that has naturally integrated into our cultural lifestyle. However, the Sokhwa(folk paintings) that had been closely related to our lifestyle drastically lost its meaning and emotions through the transitions over time. As the living lifestyle predominantly became the apartment culture and in the historical situations where the confusion of the identity has deepened, the aesthetic and the symbolic values of the Sokhwa folk paintings have the appropriateness to be transmitted as the symbolic assets that protect our spiritual affluence and establish our identity.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.155-180
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• 2019

Samsaebulhoedo(三世佛會圖) at Yongjusa Temple(龍珠寺), regarded as a monumental masterpiece consisting of different elements such as Confucian and Buddhist ideas, palace academy garden and Buddhist artist styles, unique traditional and western painting styles, is one of the representative works that symbolically illustrate the development and innovation of painting in the late Joseon dynasty. However, the absence of painting inscriptions raised persistent controversy over the past half century among researchers as to the matters of estimating its production period, identifying the original author and analyzing style characteristics. In the end, the work failed to gain recognitions commensurate with its historical significance and value. It is the particularly vital issue in that estimating the production period of the existing masterpiece is the beginning of all other discussions. However, this issue has caused the ensuing debates since all details are difficult to be interpreted to a concise form due to a number of different records on painters and mixture of traditional buddhist painting styles used by buddhist painters and innovative western styles used by ordinary painters. Contrary to other ordinary Buddhist paintings, this painting, Samsaebulhoedo, has a praying letter for the royal establishment at the center of the main altar. It should be noted that regarding this painting, its original version-His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince主上殿下, 王妃殿下, 世子邸下-was erased and instead added Her Love Majesty慈宮邸下 in front of Her Majesty. This praying letter can be assumed as one of the significant and objective evidence for estimating its production period. The new argument of the late 19th century production focused on this praying letter, and proposed that King Sunjo was then the first-born son when Yongjusa Temple was built in 1790 and it was not until January 1, 1800 that he was ascended to the Crown Prince. In this light, the existing praying letter with the eulogistic title-Crown Prince世子-should be considered revised after his ascension to the throne. Styles and icons bore some resemblance to Samsaebulhoedo at Cheongryongsa Temple or Bongeunsa Temple portrayed by Buddhist painters in the late 19th century. Therefore, the remaining Samsaebulhoedo should be depicted by them in the same period as western styles were introduced in Buddhist painting in later days. Following extensive investigations, praying letters in Buddhist paintings in the late 19th century show that it was usual to record specification such as class, birth date and family name of people during the dynasty at the point of producing Buddhist paintings. It is easy to find that those who passed away decades ago cannot be revised to use eulogistic titles as seen by the praying letters in Samsaebulhoedo at Yongju Temple. As "His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince" was generally used around 1790 regardless of the presence of first-born son or Crown Prince, it was rather natural to write the eulogistic title "His Royal Crown Prince" in the praying letter of Samsaebulhoedo. Contrary to ordinary royal hierarchy, Her Love Majesty was placed in front of Her Majesty. Based on this, the praying letter was assumed to be revised since King Jeongjo placed royal status of Hyegyeonggung before the Queen, which was an exceptional case during King Jeongjo's reign, due to unusual relationships among King Jeongjo, Hyegyeonggung and the Queen arising from the death of Crown Prince(思悼世子). At that time, there was a special case of originally writing a formal tripod praying letter, as can be seen from ordinary praying letter in Buddhist paintings, erasing it and adding a special eulogistic title: Her Love Majesty. This indicates that King Jeongjo identified that Hyegyeonggung was erased, and commanded to add it; nevertheless, ceremony leaders of Yongju Temple, built as a palace for holding ceremonies of Hyeonryungwon(顯隆園) are Jeongjo, the son of his father and his wife Hyegyeonggung (Her Love Majesty)(惠慶宮(慈宮)). This revision is believed to be ordered by King Jeongjo on January 17, 1791 when the King paid his first visit to the Hyeonryungwon since the establishment of Hyeonryungwon and Yongju Temple, stopped by Yongju Temple on his way to palace and saw Samsaebulhoedo for the first and last time. As shown above, this letter consisting of special contents and forms can be seen an obvious, objective testament to the original of Samsebulhoedo painted in 1790 when Yongju Temple was built.