The Chinese Communist Party's 'with-Chinese-characteristics' discourse proclaims its superiority in reflecting people's genuine needs without poisonous partisan politics, as in Western democracies. The Party's Consultative Democracy is key to this superiority. To evaluate Consultative Democracy in Contemporary China from a perspective of popular sovereignty, which is the essential purpose of every kinds of democracy, this research looks into Consultative Democracy from two dimensions: theoretical dimension and institutional dimension. Theoretically, CCP's Consultative Democracy seeks its theoretical sources from their traditional thought as well as from Marxism, and especially emphasizes CCP's leadership to fulfill the consultation results. And through the analysis of various field investigations, we find that there are some prominent problems in grass-roots society's institutional mechanism for Consultative Democracy, such as insufficient connection between institutional innovation and existing legal system, inefficient consultation, insufficient representation of consultative subjects and weak motive force for sustainable development. By legitimizing certain groups or individuals as representatives in their consultative process, CCP can be de-legitimize by containing, dividing or denouncing others so that critics can be co-opted, neutralized or isolated. The CCP's consultative and representational processes are different from taking policy inputs as dialogue or negotiation as in democracies, it is a dynamic, largely one-way process of enforcement and direction with a clear political agenda: maintaining Party hegemony.
International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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v.10
no.3
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pp.127-145
/
2022
Vaccine diplomacy is a manifestation of competition for political influence among great powers amidst the Covid-19 pandemic's blatant illustration of ineluctable interdependency across the global community. The reinforcement of trends bolstering global polity construction intensify concomitantly with nationalist populist value and attitude expressions increasing political polarization. The interdependency graphically illustrated in the Cold War-era's mutual assured destruction incentivized competition into indirect competitive intervention in the internal politics of third actors. Indirect international influence contestations included extended, de facto challenge competitions to generate soft power on behalf of the victor, e.g., the space race. The Covid-19 pandemic has intensified this competition to offer alternative development models while intense domestic political polarization undermines the mobilizational capacities for achieving sustainable development. In contrast to multinational and multiethnic states, nation states have an inherent mobilizational advantage because of the enhanced control capabilities available to the authorities without emphasizing coercion. Control through Gramscian hegemonic mechanisms is more readily feasible in nation states through the greater feasibility of commodification of social relations by states authorities regulating and channeling social competition to encourage social mobility and creativity. The regulation of the so-called private sector serves to manage and contain social competition while channeling it to develop the institutional capacities for control and allocation of developing societal human resources. It enhances developed state control mechanisms and international influence capacities. The appeal of offers of aid and assistance to the so-called developing world becomes ever more urgent amidst Anthropocene crises including its most recent, current Covid-19 pandemic disaster.
The purpose of this study is to analyze the art world's perspective on popular art and the contact point with pure art and to present the requirements of fashion as a popular art. To analyze the artistic value of fashion, this study analyzed and presented the requirements of art by linking the innate characteristics of fashion premised on mass consumption of popular art. The research method consisted of content analysis focusing on books and papers on art and fashion. A critical perspective on expansion of the artistic field amid the blurred boundaries of art is the basis of a critical comparison between popular art and avant-garde art and a critique of popular art as opposed to value-oriented art. Conversely, as a point of contact with popular art with fine art, art is discussed against the ideological strategy of fine art and the shift in hegemony brought about by erosion of the barrier between art and everyday life. In addition, the non-essentialist perspective contradicts the division theory of popular art. The requirements of fashion as a popular art were analyzed based on the value of self-expression through the aesthetic pursuit of creativity and aesthetic expression, discourse as art, and expansion of modern art from the inessentialist perspective of popular art.
The early eighteenth century witnessed the birth of homosexuality as an identity and the emergence of a homosexual subculture in Britain. The homosexual subculture revealed itself through identified walkways and parks, gestures by which men might signal their interests to each other, and meeting places called "molly houses" where homosexuals could gather in relative safety. As early as 1703 the homosexuals seem to have overrun London. Homosexuals in eighteenth-century Britain provides a figure on which a variety of social anxieties could be displaced. Homosexuality is partly sexual transgression; mostly, it represents a variety of class, national, political transgressions. The association of British homosexuality with the fashion for Italian tastes was commonplace, and the growth of homosexuality was regarded as the greatest threat to the glorious Britain by destroying all its masculine virtues. Homosexuality was widely believed to be particularly common among the aristocracy and to be symptomatic of the increasing depravity of that class. The radicals in eighteenth-century Britain did not hesitate to exploit the surge in homophobia. They identified aristocratic patronage as one of the aristocratic practices that encouraged homosexuality and thus stigmatized the sort of male bonding that helped sustain aristocratic hegemony.
Despite some critics' efforts to highlight Shelley's political fruitfulness, they tend to disregard meaningful differences that Shelley has from other Jacobin radicals of his times. Accordingly, the critics tackle his apparent incoherence revealed in A Philosophical View of Reform; the first two sections contain a keen insight into the socio-political injustice prevalent in Britain and the reasons behind it, while the third section withdraws from the previous radical position and settles with a moderate electorate reform. This paper argues that recent developments in post-structuralist and post-Marxist theory help to clearly assess Shelley's political position. Emphasizing that the Jacobin concept of revolution is incompatible with the plurality and opening which a radical democracy requires, post-marxists such as Ernest Laclau and Chantal Mouffee claim that a more viable form of political resistance is to expose repression and force involved in hegemonic articulations. For them, dislocation, a distabilization of a discourse that results from the emergence of events which cannot be domesticated, symbolized, or integrated within the discourse, opens up the possibility of freedom for agents. A Philosophical View of Reform is an attempt to dislocate the discourses of monarchy and paper money by exposing their social and historical constructiveness and their repressive exclusion of alternative discourses. The political goal of this essay is to awaken subjects within a hegemonic structure by decentering the structure and to make them act by stimulating new discoursive constructions.
Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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v.12
no.2
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pp.81-93
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2000
This study is designed to identify the current condition of male students ostracized as the black ship (Wangtta in Korean) in middle schools and the effects of the Guardian Angle program on the decrease in Wangtta. 428 frist graders of two junior high schools were devided into two groups, a test group (n=195) and a control group (n=233). SPSS/PC+ program was used for analysis of the data, including frequency analysis, ANOVA and x(sup)2-test. The outcome of research can be summed up as the following 74.7% of the subjects thinks that there is Wangtta going on in there classes. Wangtta often comes to pass during the recesses (74.2%) and lunch times (51.6%). Those who are easily exposed to Wangtta are most likely to be both snobbish and pedantic. Those who lead Wangtta turn out to be good at fighting (56.4%) and dominant in the hegemony of the class depending on the way of ignoring or not playing with the victims(69.3%) In the case of bearing witness to Wangtta. 36.9% of the subjects try to overlook the case. Now let me take a look at the effect of the guardian angle program on the decrease in Wangtta. The program has a significant effect on the decrease (p<0.05) in the number and the phenomena of Wangtta perceived by students in both advance and post tests. The program makes a significant difference in the aspects of students’ behavior in relation to Wangtta in a desirable way (p<.01) Though the sociality index of the victims doesn’t show any significant difference statistically, it exerts a generally positive effect.
To preserve competitiveness in rapidly changing world military market and to adapt themselves to newly-developed warfare, many developed counties have been readjusting their military organizations and technical procedures. In a private sector, business reengineering and other innovative efforts were made to respond to this change, using structural approaches. In the military sector, the United States is the one leading this move. She has been trying to reorganize her military structure to hold her hegemony in world politics for the coming 21st century. The purpose of this paper, is, (1) to analyze the information technology on the military revolution, (2) to deduce what to be changed, and (3) to infer how to change. The comparison between Korea and U.S. in terms of the real military situation was made to analyze these three research questions. The study was based on the structural contingency theory, one of the environmental analysis models, being introduced to explore the Revolution in Military Affairs(RMA) case in United States and Korea. The conclusion may be summarized as follows; First, information-based society which is characterized by the development of information technology and environmental, complexity and weakness in security affairs will affect the military factors such as the issue of holding information superiority, changing warfare in proportion to the military-scientific development and weakness in military security. This trend will be more deep-rooted and multiple in its influence on the military affairs.
The purpose of this study is to learn from a lesson of the historical fact, the Team 10's break away from the CIAM, which is selected as the most important event in the whole 20th century architecture by author as a historian. The CIAM, organized in 1928 by leading European architects in order to propose new architecture in the industrial era, expanded to the world, met almost annually with an idea of economic efficiency, new functional order, and industrial production for thirty years. Young architects had conflicted with old established group from 6th congress, and after 10th congress they met independently in 1959; the CIAM was disappeared and the Team 10 was born. Main issue of the break-away was human aspect. The Team 10 started from real man, concept of 'human contact', 'sense of community', and 'belonging' instead of abstract functional order. Although CIAM did not suggest inhumane architecture, their biological criteria with sunlight, air, sufficient site became physical determinism. Critique against the Team 10, unsuccess for making humane architecture leads to underestimation like a generational hegemony struggle. However, architect is not specialist of life but form. Historical reevaluation for Team 10 should be that they are the first group to raise an human issue in architecture. Success or not to solve the problem belongs to another domain. After 1960, modern architecture was attacked from the common people, not clients but 'users'. Academic circle tried to solve the problem with behavioral approach through a clear process, 'design method' and with phenomenological approach on real human experience. However practice became reactionary tendency, to make form a little complex, they became post-modern and deconstruction form. Failure of the Team 10's form proved that a complex form does not necessarily make a good life of people. In the Korean historic situation of colony ruling, confusion of liberation, and the War, we did not know the existence of both CIAM and Team 10. After 1970s' economic development, we have just copied Western form from Modern via Post-Modern to Deconstruction. If we make architecture people mattered, we should start from the basic, learning from the Team's break-away, instead of copying.
KIPS Transactions on Computer and Communication Systems
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v.9
no.7
/
pp.157-164
/
2020
As the consumption of fishery products continues to increase, aquaculture industry has emerged instead of fishing industry facing limitations of fish stock resources. Recently, smart fish farming industry has rapidly developed through convergence with 4th Industrial Revolution technology. Accordingly, it is important to derive a future model of smart fish farming platforms in order to secure the superiority of the aquaculture industry and the technology standard hegemony. In this study, the future direction of smart fish farm platform was derived through the analysis of environment related to politics, economy, society, and technology related to smart fish farming by applying PEST methodology of macro-environment analysis. It is expected that it will help the public and industrial circles in planning and implementing related projects by including the entire process of value chain of aquaculture industry of breeding, production, management and distribution, and by presenting advanced models based on artificial intelligence and digital twin.
The in-law relationship traditionally plays a major role in Korean marriages and families because parents-in-law prefer to stay with their son under the same roof. The recent spike in the number of intercultural matches in South Korea may be provoking changes in the traditional family experience. The object of this qualitative study was to explore the contextual factors causing conflicts between mothers-in-law and their daughters-in-law in multicultural families. Six mother and daughter in-law dyads from rural areas of South Korea were recruited and interviewed. We found that the mothers-in-law and daughters-in-law had had different motives for the marriage at first. Five major themes emerged from the analysis of the dyadic interviews: the conflicts of the participants were embedded in the alternative family formation, in financial strains and the power structure, barriers in communication, cultural insensitivity and conflicts between value systems, as well as in role conflicts due to differing role expectations and hegemony. In conclusion, the authors of this study suggest that increasing cultural sensitivity and communication skills in immigrant daughter-in-law an Korean mother-in-law relationships will be crucial for a healthy in-law relationship. The need for the availability of Multicultural Family Centers' services in the community was highlighted. In order for mothers-in-law and daughters-in-law to form positive relationships, it is important to facilitate a variety of easily accessible educational programs in the community focusing on fostering the mother-in-law's understanding of the daughter-in-law's perspective.
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