• Journal of Korea Spatial Information System Society
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• v.7 no.3 s.15
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• pp.67-81
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• 2005

Recently, the interest and research on the development of new application services such as the Location Based Service and Telemetics providing the emergency service, neighbor information search, and route search according to the development of the Geographic Information System have been increasing. User's search in the spatio-temporal database which is used in the field of Location Based Service or Telemetics usually fixes the current time on the time axis and queries the spatial and aspatial attributes. Thus, if the range of query on the time axis is extensive, it is difficult to efficiently deal with the search operation. For solving this problem, the snapshot, a method to summarize the location data of moving objects, was introduced. However, if the range to store data is wide, more space for storing data is required. And, the snapshot is created even for unnecessary space that is not frequently used for search. Thus, non storage space and memory are generally used in the snapshot method. Therefore, in this paper, we suggests the Hash-based Spatio-Temporal Clustering Algorithm(H-STCA) that extends the two-dimensional spatial hash algorithm used for the spatial clustering in the past to the three-dimensional spatial hash algorithm for overcoming the disadvantages of the snapshot method. And, this paper also suggests the knowledge extraction algorithm to extract the knowledge for the path search of moving objects from the past location data based on the suggested H-STCA algorithm. Moreover, as the results of the performance evaluation, the snapshot clustering method using H-STCA, in the search time, storage structure construction time, optimal path search time, related to the huge amount of moving object data demonstrated the higher performance than the spatio-temporal index methods and the original snapshot method. Especially, for the snapshot clustering method using H-STCA, the more the number of moving objects was increased, the more the performance was improved, as compared to the existing spatio-temporal index methods and the original snapshot method.

• Korean Journal of Health Education and Promotion
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.21-36
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• 1983

It is assumed that menarche is affected not only by the biological factors such as nutrition and genetic heritage, but also it is affected by other socio-cultural environmental factors including weather, geographic location, education and level of modernization. Also recent trend of menarche in Korea indicates that a lot of discussion are being generated to the need of sex education as a part of formal school education. The purpose of this study is to develop the school health education program by determine the age of menarche, the factors relavant to time of menarche and psycho-mental state of students at the time in menarche and investigate the present state of school health education relate to menarche of adolescents. The total number of 732 girls was drown from first, second and third grades of 4 middle schools in Seoul. For the data collection the survey was conducted during the period from May 1 to May 20, 1982 by using prepared questionair. The major results are summarized as follow; 1. Mean age at menarche and the percent distribution of menarche experienced. It was observed that about 68.7% of sampled students have been experienced menarche at the time interviewed. For the each group, age at menarche is revealed that among the students about 37.8% are experienced menarche for under 12 years old group, 62.1% for 13 year-old group, 80.6％ for 14 year-old group and 95.5% for over 15 years old. In sum it was found that the mean age at menarche was 12.3 years old, ranged from age at 10 as earlist the age at 15 as latest. 2. Variables associated with age at menarche. 1) There was tendency those student who belong to upper class economic status have had menarche earlier than those student who belong to lower class. Therefore, economic status is closely related to age at menarche. 2) In time of mother's education level, it is also found that those students whose mother's education levels from high school and college are experienced menarche earlier than those students whose mother's education levels from primary school and no-education. 3) However, in connection with home discipline, there was no significant relationship between age at menarche and home disciplines which are being treated "Rigid", "Moderated ", "Indifferent". 4) Degree of communication between parents and daughter about sex matters was found to be associated each others in determination of age at menarche. 5) It was found that high association between mother's menarche age and their daughter's menarche age was observed. Mother's age at menarche earlier trend to be shown also as earlier of their daughters. 6) Those students belong to "D & E" of physical substantiality index are trend to be earlier in menarche than those students in the index "A & B". 3. Psycho-mental state at the time of menarche. Out of the total students 68.2% had at least one or more than one of subjective symptoms. Shyness was shown as most higher prevalent symptom and others are fear, emotional instability, unpleasant feeling, depression, radical behavior, inferior complex and satisfaction appeared. Very few cases are appeared be guilty and stealing feeling. 4. The present status of school health education program related to menarche. As to the source of information about menarche, teacher was a main source with average index 5.88 and the other informants were mother & family member, friends, books and magagines, movies, television, and radio. For the problem solving at menarche, mother & family members were subject to discussion with an average index 6.02 as high. The others for discuss and knowledge about menarche were books, magagine, friends, teachers, and self-learning based on own experienced. The time of learning about menarche, it was learned as highest percentage with 43.2% at a 6 grades of primary school, middle school with 34.4%, 5 grade of primary school with 18.2%, and 4 grade of primary school with 4.0% respectively.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.699-715
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• 1996

This paper examines the cross-sectional development of children's conception of place. Previous research by Piaget and Weil, Jahoda, Daggs has questioned how young children develop the ablity to comprehend place. Oral interview and graphic test were made vy the children at the age of 5-14, in order to attain information on their knowledge, understanding and feeling about place. These data were used ti indentify developmental stages through cluster analysis. The results suggest that young children's conception of place develops with an identifiable 4 stages. There is no significant difference in development of conception of place between the 2nd year of kindergarten and the 1st year of elementary school, or the between the 5th, 6th year of elementary school and 1st, 2nd year of middle school. Rather, the 4th year of elementary school is an important and crucial truning point in the development of children's conception of place. It is concluded that children's conception of place develops in line with Piaget's general cognitive developmental theory in which the pre-conceptual stage ends at age 7 and the concrete-operation stage starts at age 11 to 12.

• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.173-184
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• 2016

Knowledge of the relationships among interspecific competition, spatial distributions and ecological niches plays an important role in understanding biogeographical distribution patterns of species. In this study, the distributional characteristics and ecological niches of the three Viperidae species (Gloydius ussuriensis, G. brevicaudus, and G. saxatilis) in South Korea were determined based on observation data and species distribution model. The effects of interspecific competition on geographical distribution and the division of the ecological niches of the vipers were also examined based on the models of predicted species distribution. The results showed that altitude was the most important environmental variable for their distribution, and the altitudes at which these snakes were distributed correlated with the climate of that region. Although interspecific ecological niches are quite overlapped, their predicted distribution patternsvary by the Taebaek Mountains. When overlaying the distribution models, most of the overlapping habitats were forest areas, which were relatively less overlapped than were the entire research areas. Thus, a parapatric distribution pattern was expected. The abundance of species occurring sympatrically was positively correlated with each other, indicating the lack of serious interspecies competition in this region. In conclusion, although the three Viperidae species in South Korea occupy similar ecological niches, these snakes exhibit parapatric distribution patterns without direct competition. Further research on various geographic variables (e.g., altitude, microhabitat characteristics) using relatively fine grid sizes, as well as further detailed ecological and behavioral research, is needed to determine the causative factors for the parapatric distribution pattern.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.73-107
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• 2012

Yeoheon Jang Hyeongwang(1554-1637), one of the greatest Mid-Joseon Confucianists did systematic studies on universe and nature. It can be considered that he inherited the academic tradition of Cho Sik (曺植) and Jeong Gu(鄭逑) and followed their steps of fengshui (風水) and compilation of geographical records. His living and thought and deserve researching with regard to geographical studies. This paper attempts to analyze Yeoheon's recognition of geography in general. In other words, I shall prove that his view of geography is Neo-Confucian. At the same time, I shall discuss how he named people's residence, how he understanded the Joseon territory, what he thought about fengshui, and what significance the complication of geographical records by his disciples had. Yeoheon considered that land is composed of water, fire, earth, and rock, and understanded the land according to the theory of Zhouyi (周易). He analyzed geographic environments by the system of Zhouyi. His study of geography is basically intended for practical use, and as a result is necessary for people to choose where to live and where to cultivate. In his opinion, it is essential to divide the land of the Joseon by means of geographical differences in order to help people to find a better place to live. We can see his Confucian view from the fact that he placed a greater emphasis on human beings over nature. Therefore, the practical use for humans is the first priority in his study of geography. Meanwhile, he considered nature itself as only the object of study. He realized the vitality of life by making a close observation of nature and attained the mind of the Heaven and Earth in a detached way. He, as a follower of Neo-Confucianism, enjoyed the land by feeling comfortable with his present status and by being satisfied with himself. He put his Confucian view of universe and world into practice in his life. As a part of his efforts, he named his residence and surrounding natural environments with the polar star and 28 stars, and accordingly they are reconstructed in a system of universe. The Confucian tradition of dongcheon gugok (洞天九曲) starting with Zhu Xi's administration of wuyi jiugu (武夷九曲) was widely prevalent during the Joseon period, but Yeoheon's system of organizing places is original. His sense of naming places reflects his ideas of following his predecessors, comparing natural objects to human emotions, and desiring to live in retirement. Yeoheon understanded the Joseon territory with comparison of the Chinese land. He expressed his knowledge in the form of changing geographical features of a district, appreciating natural beauty, locating towns, and being familiar with a region, and proposing his own climatology and view of the reality. His recognition of the Joseon territory resolves itself into the following several points. He regarded the Joseon territory as one organism, and considered the territory to be composed of ki (氣) as Neo-Confucianists usually do. In addition, he understanded not only natural environments but also towns from a perspective of the fengshui and adopted a comparative methodology in dividing regions. He also applied climatology to analyze persons and customs. He employed the methodology of fengshui from the comprehensive theory of the Yijing. It is because he was influenced by Cho Sik and Jeng Gu. Yeoheon chose dwelling places for people, or gave advice on several places of his hometown relying on his knowledge of fengshui. When it comes to his theory of fengshui, he agreed with the theory of topography with regards to the fengshui of tombs, but criticized the custom of delaying funerals in order to turn fortune in one's favor. In addition, he accepted that it is necessary to complement a town by creating forests around it. We need to pay attention to the fact that Yeoheon's disciples complied several geographical records. It proves that they inherited the tradition of "valuing practical use and governing on behalf of the people" from Cho Sik and Jeong Gu. Yeoheon put a great emphasis on geographical records and encouraged his disciples to compile them. In other words, he emphasized that they, as administrator or intellectual, need to be erudite in the history and custom of a region where they have lived, and have to establish a standard to encourage or warn people in the region while considering the geographical records. His opinion functioned as a guideline for his successors to compile geographical records later. This paper only analyzed several facts with regard to Yeoheon's knowledge of geography and an academic tradition concerning the study of geography. In the future, I shall discuss how his predecessors and successors understanded geography and how the tradition of compiling geographical records was transferred and developed between them. I believe that this study will contribute to establishing the history of geography, which the Joseon Confucianists researched for a long time but we have not paid an enough attention to until now.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.50-80
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• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.