• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제12권1호
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• pp.5-20
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• 2013

Social media holds the potential to facilitate vertical political communication by giving citizens the opportunity to interact directly with their representatives. However, skeptics claim that even when politicians use "interactive media," they avoid direct engagement with constituents, using technology to present a façade of interactivity instead of a genuine dialogue. This study explores how elected officials in three regions of the world are using Twitter to interact with the public. Using the Twitter activity of 15 officials over a period of six months, we show that in addition to the structural features of Twitter that are designed to promote interaction, officials rely on language to foster or to avoid engagement. We also provide evidence that the existence of interactive features does not guarantee interactivity.

• 한국지구과학회지
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• 제24권2호
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• pp.61-73
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• 2003

This is a descriptive study to identify patterns of teacher questioning discourse. Transcripts from Korean secondary science classrooms were examined while extensive review of literature on classroom discourse was carried out. When it is assumed that teacher questioning discourse can be categorized into different patterns by considering together the apparent exchange structures and pedagogical functions, various patterns of teacher questioning discourse were revealed. Although most patterns found illustrate the centrality of the teacher, a few of them are considered alternatives to the typical IRE discourse. A framework for classifying teacher questioning discourse is suggested and its implications for science teacher education and future research discussed.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제4권1호
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• pp.39-61
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• 2020

The Chinese Communist Party's 'with-Chinese-characteristics' discourse proclaims its superiority in reflecting people's genuine needs without poisonous partisan politics, as in Western democracies. The Party's Consultative Democracy is key to this superiority. To evaluate Consultative Democracy in Contemporary China from a perspective of popular sovereignty, which is the essential purpose of every kinds of democracy, this research looks into Consultative Democracy from two dimensions: theoretical dimension and institutional dimension. Theoretically, CCP's Consultative Democracy seeks its theoretical sources from their traditional thought as well as from Marxism, and especially emphasizes CCP's leadership to fulfill the consultation results. And through the analysis of various field investigations, we find that there are some prominent problems in grass-roots society's institutional mechanism for Consultative Democracy, such as insufficient connection between institutional innovation and existing legal system, inefficient consultation, insufficient representation of consultative subjects and weak motive force for sustainable development. By legitimizing certain groups or individuals as representatives in their consultative process, CCP can be de-legitimize by containing, dividing or denouncing others so that critics can be co-opted, neutralized or isolated. The CCP's consultative and representational processes are different from taking policy inputs as dialogue or negotiation as in democracies, it is a dynamic, largely one-way process of enforcement and direction with a clear political agenda: maintaining Party hegemony.

• 철학연구
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• 제115호
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• pp.1-29
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• 2016

나는 "맹자" "양혜왕"편 전반에 걸쳐 개진되는 '여민동락' 논의를 '행복'의 관점에서 비판적으로 논의하고자 한다. 내가 행복하다고 여기는지의 여부와 실제의 삶이 일치하지 않는다는 점에서 주관적인 심적 상태로서의 행복은 좋은 삶과 갈등을 낳을 수 있다. 따라서 우리가 진정한 행복을 추구하는 것은 이미 주관적인 심리상태를 극복하고 어떻게 살아야 좋은 삶인가라는 고전적인 질문으로 회귀하게 된다. 이를 위한 논의의 배경으로 제선왕과의 대화에 등장하는 독락과 여민동락의 내용을 설명하려고 한다. 제선왕의 경우 그에게서 발견되는 욕구의 위계를 통해 독락으로 표현되는 주관적인 행복감이 자신이 지향하는 좋은 삶과 어긋나 있음을 밝힐 것이다. 맹자가 제시하는 여민동락이 즐거운 삶과 좋은 삶을 일치시키는 논리를 설명하고 '연대'의 이면에 작동하는 상호이해와 공감의 역동성을 고찰할 계획이다. 측은지심으로 포착할 수 있는 이런 공감의 힘이 어떻게 여민동락과도 이어질 수 있는지 논증하려고 한다. 서(恕)의 황금률로 포착해낼 수 있는 측은지심과 여민동락의 동리(同異)를 검토하고 '여민동락'이라는 유가적 행복론을 좋은 삶에 관한 이론적 틀로 요약, 정리할 계획이다. 이를 통해 주관적인 행복감이 우리의 삶을 좋게 만드는데 어떻게 기여하는가를 간략하게 설명하려 한다.