• 제목/요약/키워드: first-born son

검색결과 30건 처리시간 0.035초

영아 비후성 유문 협착증 - 35례 보고 - (Infantile Hypertrophic Pyloric Stenosis - Report of 35 cases -)

  • 허영수;김규락;신손문
    • Journal of Yeungnam Medical Science
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    • 제13권2호
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    • pp.199-210
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    • 1996
  • 1993년 1월부터 1996년 10월까지 최근 만 3년 10개월간 영남대학교 의과대학 외과에서 영아 비후성 유문협착증으로 수술받은 환아 35명을 대상으로 임상 분석하여 다음과 같은 결론을 얻었다. 1. 총 35례 중 남아 32례, 여아 3례로 남아에서 10.7배 호발하였으며, 내원시 연령은 생후 2주에서 8주 사이가 80%로 가장 많았다. 2. 총 35례 중 미숙아 2례(5.7%), 저체중아 3례(8.6%)이었으며, 형제 중 발생순위는 초산아가 23례(65.7%)로 가장 많았다. 3. 총 35례 중 모유를 수유한 경우가 23례(65.7%), 우유를 수유한 경우가 9례 (25.7%)로 모유를 수유한 경우에서 많은 발생빈도를 보였다. 4. 입원시 체중 percentile은 전례에서 50 percentile 미만인 것으로 나타났다. 5. 증상발현시기는 생후 1주에서 2주 사이가 11례(31.4%)로 가장 많았으며, 총 35례 중 27례(73.1%)가 신생아기에 발생하였다. 병력기간은 증상 발현후 1주내에 내원한 경우가 17례(48.6%)로 가장 많았다. 6. 임상증상으로는 무담즙성 분출성구토가 가장 중요한 증상으로 35례 전 예에서 나타났다. 7. 이학적 소견상 초진시 13례(37.1%)에서 우상복부 종괴가 촉지되었고 15례(42.9%)에서 가시성 위 유동파가 있었으며 1례(2.9%)에서 황달을 볼 수 있었다. 8. 혈중전해질의 변화는 저염소혈증 14례(40.0%), 저칼륨혈증 9례(25.7%)에서 관찰되었다. 9. 타 병원에서 상부위장관조영술 시행후 전원되었던 4례를 제외한 나머지 31례에서 시행한 복부초음파상 종괴크기의 평균치는 유문근두께 6.2mm, 유문직경 12.1mm, 유문관길이 17.9mm로 측정되었으며, IHPS의 가장 중요한 초음파상 진단적 척도의 기준인 유문근두께가 4mm이상인 경우는 29례(93.6%), 5mm이상인 경우는 26례(83.9%)로 관찰되었다. 10. 총 35례 중 6례(17.1%)에서 7개의 기형이 동반되었다. 11. 전례에서 Fredet-Ramstedt씨 유문근절개술을 시행하였다. 12. 술후 합병증으로 창상간염이 2례에서 나타났으며, 총 35례 중 8례(22.9%)에서 간헐적인 구토증을 호소하였으나 경구투여의 조절로 대부분이 1주이내에 자연 소실되었다.

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단일기관에서 이중 질량 분석법(tandem mass spectrometry technology)을 이용한 선천성 대사이상 검사의 위양성율에 대한 연구 (Investigation of False Positive Rates Newborn Screening using Tandem Mass Spectrometry (TMS) Technology in Single Center)

  • 김현수;신손문;고선영;이연경;박성원
    • 대한유전성대사질환학회지
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    • 제16권1호
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    • pp.18-23
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    • 2016
  • TMS가 확산되고 검사가 많아짐에 따라 위양성 건수도 증가하고 있다. 본 연구에서는 2012년 1월 1일부터 2014년 12월 31일까지 단일 기관에서 출생한 신생아를 대상으로 시행한 TMS의 위양성율을 조사하고 관련된 요인들을 분석하였다. 총 검사 대상자 중 남아는 8,942명(51.7%), 여아는 8,350명(48.3%)이었고, 평균 제태연령은 $38.6{\pm}1.7$주 였다. 평균 출생 체중은 $3,155.6{\pm}502.4g$, 평균 출생 신장은 $49.1{\pm}2.9cm$, 평균 체질량지수는 $13.0{\pm}3.8kg/m^2$ 이었다. 질식 분만은 9,713 (56.2%)건, 제왕절개는 7,579 (43.8%)건이었다. 평균 검사 시행일은 $2.8{\pm}1.1$일이었다. 위양성을 포함하여 TMS에서 양성으로 확인된 224명은 전체 대상자의 1.3%였다. 다중 로지스틱 회귀분석을 통해 분석한 결과 27주 이하의 초미숙아에서 위양성으로 나타날 odds ratio가 6.957 (95% CI: 1.273-38.008), 1,000 g 이하의 극저체중아에서 5.616 (95% CI: 1.134-27.820)로 나타났다. 위양성 대상자들 중에서는 지방산 대사이상 질환(fatty acid oxidation dis-orders)이 104명(47%), 아미노산 이상질환(amino-acidopathy)가 75명(34%), 유기산 이상 질환(organic aciduria)가 43명(19%)이었다. 전국적인 자료를 모아 평가한다면 국내 발생률에 대한 정확한 평가 및 접근이 가능할 것으로 생각한다.

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신생아 간질 중첩증의 임상 특성 (Clinical Characteristics of Neonatal Status Epilepticus)

  • 정경훈;김윤희;권영세;전용훈;김순기;손병관
    • Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics
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    • 제48권12호
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    • pp.1342-1347
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    • 2005
  • 목 적 : 신생아의 가장 흔한 신경학적 증상은 경련이다. 뇌는 아직 미숙한 상태로 이 시기의 경련은 경련 자체로도 높은 사망률을 보이고 심각하고 영구적인 후유증을 초래할 수 있기 때문에 경련을 조기에 진단하고 원인을 찾아내고 적절한 치료를 조속히 시행하는 것이 매우 중요하다. 신생아 경련은 소아나 성인의 경련과 여러 가지 차이점이 있는데, 특히 지속성 신생아 경련에서의 원인, 형태, 예후 등에 대하여 알아보고자 한다. 방 법 : 1998년 7월부터 2003년 6월까지 인하대학교병원 신생아집중치료실에 입원한 신생아 중 지속성 경련을 보인 36명을 대상으로, 경련이 발생한 시기, 원인, 경련형태, 지속시간, 뇌파, 예후를 기록지를 통하여 후향적으로 분석하였다. 결 과 : 대상환아의 남녀비는 1.1 : 1이었고, 재태기간은 $37.0{\pm}3.6$주, 체중 $2.70{\pm}0.82kg$, 경련은 생후 2일(평균 중앙값)에 발생하였다. 원인질환은 미숙아에서는 저산소성 허혈성 뇌증(50.0%), 뇌출혈(33.3%), 만삭아에서는 특발성(37.5%), 저산소성 허혈성 뇌증(29.2%) 순이었다. 뇌출혈은 미숙아에서 의미있게 높았다(P=0.034). 경련의 형태는 비정형적, 전신 강직, 다소성 근간대성 순으로 많았다. 전신 강직 형태일수록 사망 및 신경학적 후유증이 많았고(P<0.05), 비정형적 경련은 정상이 많았다(P<0.05). 경련의 발생시기는 생후 1일에 25.0%(9례)였으며 생후 2일 이내에 52.7%(19례), 생후 7일 이내에 80.5%(29례)에서 발생하였다. 미숙아와 만삭아 모두 생후 3일 이후에 발생한 경우 예후가 좋았다(P=0.016). 경련의 지속시간은 30분-1시간이 19례(52.8%)로 가장 많았지만, 지속시간이 1시간 이상일수록 신경학적인 후유증이 많이 발생하였다(P=0.002). 출생체중이 1,000 g 이하에서는 전부 사망하였지만, 체중 및 재태기간은 예후와 관련성이 적었다. 뇌파에서 전신성 강직 발작은 주로 심한 배경파 억제나 전기적 경련으로, 비정형적 경련은 주로 정상소견을 보였다(P<0.05). 결 론 : 지속성 신생아 경련에서 재태기간과 체중은 예후와 관련성이 적었지만, 경련발생시기가 빠를수록, 경련 지속시간이 길수록, 전신성 강직 형태의 경련일수록 나쁜 예후를 보였다.

모자동실이 신생아의 정서적 안정에 미치는 영향 (The effect of rooming-in care on the emotional stability of newborn infants)

  • 안소윤;고선영;김경아;이연경;신손문
    • Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics
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    • 제51권12호
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    • pp.1315-1319
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    • 2008
  • 목적: 신생아실에서 산모와 격리되어 관리되는 신생아와 비교해 봄으로써 모자동실이 신생아의 정서적 안정에 미치는 효과를 비교해 보고자 한다. 방법: 2007년 7월 1일부터 10월 31일 사이에 출생한 정상 신생아 중 첫 3일간 모자동실을시행한 신생아 24명(모자동실군), 신생아실에서 관리한 24명(신생아실군), 총 48명에 대하여 브라젤튼의 신생아행동평가척도 중 자극척도와 자기 안정화 척도를 관찰하였으며, 대사이상검사를 위해 천자침으로 발뒤꿈치를 찌른 후 울음을 그칠 때까지의 시간을 측정하였다. 결 과: 모자동실군은 자극화척도에서 신생아실군에 비해 높은 점수를 나타내어 외부자극에대해 매우 안정되어 있었으며($6.8{\pm}1.7$$4.2{\pm}2.1$, P<0.001), 자기 안정화 척도도 높은 점수를 나타내어 자극된 상태에서 빨리 안정화하는 것을 관찰할 수 있었다($5.9{\pm}0.3$$4.5{\pm}1.8$, P=0.001). 천자침을 찌른 후 울음을 그칠 때까지의 시간도 모자동실군에서 훨씬 짧은 것을 알 수 있었다($17{\pm}15.1$ 초 대 $115.3{\pm}98.5$초, P<0.001). 결론: 모자동실을 하는 신생아는 신생아실에서 격리되어 관리하는 신생아에 비해 생후 수일동안의 기간에도 불구하고 외부 자극에 대해 안정적이며, 자극된 상태로부터 빨리 안정화되는 것으로 나타나 정서적으로 안정되어 있음을 알 수 있었다.

세종대(1418~1450) 성주 세종대왕자(世宗大王子) 태실(胎室) 출토 <분청사기 상감연판문 반구형뚜껑>의 제작 특징과 제작지 고찰 (A Study on the Characteristics and the Kiln Site of Production of the Buncheong Ware Excavated from the Placenta Chamber (Taesil) in Seongju during the Reign of King Sejong (1418-1450) in the Joseon Dynasty)

  • 안세진
    • 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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    • 제54권4호
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    • pp.192-211
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    • 2021
  • 세종의 대군·군과 세손을 포함하여 총 19기 태실이 모여 있는 성주 세종대왕자 태실은 여러 태실이 한 공간에 조성된 유일한 사례이자, 태를 봉안·보호하는 장태용 그릇의 구성과 조형 역시 다른 곳과 구별되어 주목받아왔다. 본 글은 성주 태실에서 출토된 장태용 그릇 중 하나인 <분청사기 상감연판문 반구형뚜껑>에 집중하여 제작의 특징을 구명하고 제작지 고찰에 초점을 맞추었다. 연구 대상은 태주가 확인된 6점에 한정하였다. 성주 태실은 세종 연간 왕실의 장태와 태실 조성에 관한 다양한 논의와 행사가 가장 성행한 1436~1439년에 계획되고 세워졌을 것이다. 태를 담은 항아리를 덮어 보호하는 목적으로 태와 함께 장태 된 이 분청사기 뚜껑은 장태에 필요한 여러 잡물 가운데 중앙 관청에 분정된 잡물의 용도와 일치하며, 장흥고에서 장태 행렬 이전에 마련하여 조달한 품목으로 유추된다. 뚜껑의 크기·형태·장식 등의 조형적 특징은 15~16세기 왕실용 태항아리 뚜껑과 공통되는 부분이 있고, 『세종실록』 「오례」에 수록된 길례용 제기 및 가례용·빈례용 준작 기물과 친연성이 높다는 점을 확인하였다. 뚜껑의 꼭지를 에워싸고 있는 태토빚음의 번조받침 흔적은 15세기 후반~16세기 전반 왕실용 태항아리 뚜껑에 남아 있는 흔적과 상통한다. 덧붙여 번조받침 흔적의 형태와 위치를 통해 이 분청사기 뚜껑은 꼭지를 아래로 향하게 한 후 받침 도구와 갑발 등을 이용하여 번조하였을 가능성이 있다. 이상의 분석과 『세종실록』 「지리지」에 등재된 자기소 내용, 15세기 전반 자기의 진헌·공납 관련 기록, 현재까지 조사된 분청사기 가마터 출토 유물 등의 정보를 종합적으로 검토하였을 때 이 분청사기 뚜껑을 제작한 곳은 현 광주광역시 북구 충효동 분청사기 가마터가 가장 유력할 것으로 사료된다.

조선 단종의 가봉태실에 대한 문헌·고고학적 검토 (A Historical and Archaeological Study on Gabong Taesil of King Dangjong in Joseon)

  • 심현용
    • 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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    • 제45권3호
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    • pp.80-99
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    • 2012
  • 조선 제6대 임금인 단종의 가봉태실이 현재 두 곳에 있다고 알려져 있다. 즉 하나는 경남 사천시의 소곡산에, 다른 하나는 경북 성주군의 법림산에 있는 것이다. 한 임금의 가봉태실은 두 개가 있을 수 없기 때문에 학계에서 논란이 되었다. 필자는 경북 성주에 있는 태실이 단종의 가봉태실이며, 경남 사천에 있는 단종 태실은 예종의 장자인 인성대군의 태실이라고 주장한 적이 있다. 그러나 당시 현존 유물에 대한 세밀한 검토를 하지 못하여 이번에 문헌기록과 유물을 비교 연구하게 되었으며, 다음과 같은 결론에 도달하였다. 1. 단종의 태실은 아기태실과 가봉태실로 두 개가 있다. 즉 최초 단종의 아기태실은 1441년 윤11월 26일에 성주 선석산 태봉에 조성되지만, 1451년 성주 법림산으로 이안되어 2차 아기태실이 조성된다. 그후 세조에 의해 1458년 태실이 철거된다. 그러나 법림산 태봉에는 가봉태실석물이 잔존하고 있어 이를 근거로 단종이 임금으로 등극한 후 재임기간(1452~1455)에 가봉된 것으로 추정하였다. 2. 사천의 태실이 단종의 태실로 정착하게 된 이유는 숙종 때 단종 복위과정과 관련성을 두었다. 복위되면서 왕의 격식에 맞게 태실도 보수되는데, 이때 사천의 소곡산 태실을 단종의 것으로 잘못 알고 보수하였다고 보았다. 또 가봉시기는 단종이 복위되어 장릉 개수 후 얼마 되지 않은 시점(1699~1719)으로 추정하였으며, 의궤와 가봉석물에 난간석이 없는 것은 추봉된 임금의 무덤에 난간석을 하지 않고 간략히 조성하는 왕릉의 예처럼 태실도 난간석을 설치하지 않게 되었다고 보았다. 3. 지금까지 사천의 태실을 단종 태실로 알고 있던 것은 오류이며, 1462년에 장태된 인성대군의 태실로 결론지었다. 이는 서삼릉 태실에 있어야 할 단종 태실은 없고 인성대군 태실이 조성되어 있는 점에 착안을 하였다. 즉 1928년 이왕직이 사천의 단종 태실을 봉출하여 서울에 보관하다가 1930년 서삼릉으로 옮겨 갈 때 태지석의 명문에 단종이 아니라 인성대군 태로 기록되어 있음을 알게 되어 서삼릉에는 단종 태실이 아닌 인성대군 태실을 조성한 것으로 보았다. 이를 위해 일제강점기 때 서삼릉 태실을 조성하면서 남긴 "태봉"과 사천 태실 서삼릉 태실에서 출토된 유물을 그 근거로 제시하였다.

한국 근대의 고미술품 수장가 1: 장택상 (A Series of Biographies of The Collectors of Modern Archaic Art Objects of Korea 1: Jang, Taek Sang)

  • 김상엽
    • 동양고전연구
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    • 제34호
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    • pp.415-447
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    • 2009
  • 최근 들어 한국 근대의 미술시장과 고미술품 수장에 대한 관심이 고조되고 연구의 스펙트럼이 넓어지는 것은 고무적인 현상이다. 이 방면에 대한 연구는 조선 후기의 서화 애호풍조에 의해 성행했던 수집과 감평의 수준을 알 수 있게 해주고 수장 형태의 근대적 변화를 알 수 있게 해주며 근대 동아시아 미술품 유통사를 재구성할 수 있게 해준다는 점에서 중요성을 갖기 때문이다. 한국 근대의 수장가에 대해서는 전형필(1906-1962)을 제외하면 수장경위나 수장내역 등에 대한 본격적인 연구가 이루어지지 않았다. 전형필 외에도 근대의 중요한 한국인 수장가로는 박영철(1879-1939), 김용진(1882-1968), 함석태(1889-?), 김성수(1891-1955), 최창학(1891-?), 장택상(1893-1969), 김찬영(1893-?), 이한복(1897-1940), 박창훈(1898-1951), 백인제(1898-?), 이병직(-1973), 손재형(1903-1981) 등이 꼽힌다. 이 연재는 우리나라의 근대기 특히 일제시기를 중심으로 고미술품을 많이 수장한 한국인 수장가들의 생애와 수장품, 수장내역 등을 추적하고 밝히는 것을 목적으로 한다. 이 연재에서 다룰 첫 번째 인물은 한국정치사의 거물 장택상이다. 장택상은 대부호의 아들로 태어나 국무총리까지 오른 인물로서 파란만장한 인생을 보냈다. 천재적 능변가인 장택상은 그림과 글씨, 도자기 등의 감식가, 수집가로도 유명하다. 장택상은 일제시기 주요한 수집가의 하나로 뛰어난 유물을 무수히 수장하였지만 그의 수장유물은 6 25사변으로 인하여 상당수 없어졌고 이후 이승만과 맞서기 위한 대통령입후보로 인하여 주요 유물을 판매하는 바람에 거의 흩어지고 말았다. 그러나 장택상은 한국 근대의 고미술품 수장가를 꼽을 때 수위로 꼽을 만한 인물이다. 특히 다른 수장가들과 함께 일종의 품평회와 같은 모임을 만들어 이 방면 문화의 심화와 확산에 기여한 점은 특기할 만하다.

뇌성마비아 어머니의 경험 (Lived experience of mothers who have child with cerebral palsy)

  • 이화자;김이순;이지원;권수자;강인순;안혜경
    • Child Health Nursing Research
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    • 제2권1호
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    • pp.93-111
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    • 1996
  • The purpose of the study is to identify the lived experience of mothers who have children with cerebral palsy in order to understand their agony. Moreover, the result of study was to find some nursing intervention for disabled children and their mothers. For this purpose, ten mothers who are willing to cooperate with this research were selected at random from those who have children with the cerebral palsy, currently using the municipal facilities for the handicapped with cerebral malfunction. Data collection was done from October 4, 1994 th December 31, 1994. The data were collected by asking the mothers mentioned above with some unstructured open-ended questions, recorded on the tapes with permission by the interviewee in order to prevent missing of the interviewed contents. These collected data have been substantiated and properly analyzed on the basis of phenomenological approach initiated by Colaizzi's method. The results and validity are proved to be credible by means of the individual checking of the interviewed mothers. The results of this study are as follows : 1. When the mother is first informed of the diagnosis of cerebral palsy on her child, she usually misses the crucial timing needed for proper treatment of the child's disorder because she is notified through the doctor's indifference and his apparently inactive, matter-of-fact attitude. At first she suspects the doctor's diagnosis and tries to attribute it to the unknown cause from a certain genetic problem and then she quickly wants to deny the whole situation that her child is really suffering from the cerebral palsy. The reality is too much for her to accept as it is and she would not believe her child is abnormal. Therefore, she even attempts depend on the power of God for its solution. 2. The mother, who goes thorough this kind of uncommon experiences, is totally devoted to the treatment and care of the child and completely ignores her own life and happiness. At the same time, she feels sorry for her other normal children she believes having not enough care and concern. Also, she feels sorry for the sick child when the child's brothers or sisters show special concern for the patient out of sympathy. It is sorry and not satisfied for her that the child is growing with abnormality and neighbor other around have inappropriate attitudes. Likewise, she is discontent with her husband's lack of concern about the child's treatment. She believes that the health care system in this society isn't fulfilling its due purpose. In the state of her utmost distress and anxiety, she always feels the need of competent consultants, and is angry about that her child is treated as an abnormal being, she is trying to hide the child from other people and to make him or her disappear, if possible. Although she doesn't have harmonious relation with her husband, she id happy when he shows his affection for the child and she feels relieved and thankful when the relatives don't mention about the child's condition Since the child's overall status of health is continuously in unstable conditions, requiring her all-time readiness for an emergency, she feels guilty of her child's illness toward the fEmily members as if it was her own fault to have borne such an abnormal child and she feels responsible for the child morally and financially if necessary Because her life is centered on taking care of the child, she cannot afford to enjoy her own life and happiness. She is a lonely mother, fatigued, with no proper relationship with other people around her. With this sense of guilt and responsibility as a mother of an unusual disease, she has no choice but to grieve her destiny from which she is not allowed to escape. 3. Nevertheless, the mother with the child suffering from the cerebral palsy does not easily give up the hope of getting her child cured and she believes that in the long run, though slower than hoped, her abnormal son or daughter will be eventually cured to become a normal sibling someday. This kind of hope is sustained by the mother's strong faith coming from observing the progress of other similar children getting better. Sometimes she is encouraged to have this faith by other mothers who share the same painful experiences, believing that her child will improve even more rapidly than others with the same palsy. Full of hope, she painstakingly waits for the child's healing. Moreover, she plans to have another child. she thinks that the patient child's brothers and sisters only can truly understand and look after the patients. However, when she notices that the progress of other children under the treatment does not look so hopeful, she is distressed by the thoughts that her child may never get well. Too, she is worried that the patient's brother or sister will be born as the same invalid with the cerebral disease. She is discouraged to have another baby as much as she is encouraged to. She is also troubled by the thought that in case she has another baby, she will have to be forced. to neglect the patient child, especially when she does have an extra hand or some reliable person to help her with taking care of the patient.

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일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 대한한의학원전학회지
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    • 제20권4호
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    • pp.211-250
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    • 2007
  • 1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 동국한의학연구소논문집
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    • 제10권
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    • pp.1-40
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    • 2008
  • 1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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