• Animal Systematics, Evolution and Diversity
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.151-170
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• 1993

Morphometric, band-pattern and electrophoretic analysis on Cobitis taenia complex were performed to investigate the morphological and genetic differentiation and to clarify their taxonomic status. Intermediate types of band-pattern (C and D type) were more frequently expressed than that of types of C. t. taenia(type A) and C. t. lutheri (type B). Sexual dimorphism of band-pattern was observed not only in C. t. taenia(type A) and C. t. lutheri(type B). Sexual dimorphism of band-pattern was observed not only in C. t. lutheri but also in C. t. taenia and C. t. striata as well. Discriminant function analysis based on 19 morphological characters shows no significant differences among C. taenia complex. The degree of genic variation of C. t. striata was higher ( =1.48, P=31.2%, HD=0.009) than those of C. t. striata was higher( =1.48, P=31.2%, HD=0.082 and HG=0.009) than those of C. t. lutheri ( =1.37, P=2.7%, HD=0.058 and HG=0.065). The average genetic similarities between C. t. lutheri and C. t. taenia-C. t. striata were S=0.62 and S=0.66 respectively and these values indicate that C. t. tanenia has evolved specific level of differentiation. C. t. striata and C. t. lutheri show subspecifc level of close genetic similarity (S=0.82). Based on the divergent time estimate (Nei, 1975) it is assumed that C. t. tanenia was branched off from the other subspecies about two million years before present (MYBP) and C. t. striata and C. t. lutheri were differentiated about 0.6 MYBP. The use of C. sinesis an the scientific name for the Korean C. t. taenia, proposed by Kim and Lee (1988) seems incorrect since they are quite different in the structure of lamina circularis (Vladycov, 1935), the external morphology and distribution (Cheng and Zheng, 1987) and the chromosome number(Yu et al., 1989). Kim and Lee(1988) also argued that C.t. striata and C. t. lutheri should be treated as distinct species but the present study and other reports (Kim and Lee, 1984; Kim and Yang, 1993) do not support it. We conclude that C. t. taenia is a good species and C. t. striata and C. t. lutheri are subspecific status. Their scientific names should be revised in the future.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.45 no.4
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• pp.23-34
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• 2017

This study focused on a planned site located in Gosangol Village in Daegu Metropolitan City that aims to build an urban agricultural park combining urban agriculture and urban park for the sustainable realization of urban agriculture. Accordingly, this study has significance in two perspectives: firstly, suggesting development strategies to be considered when building an urban agricultural park as a theme park, and secondly, presenting guidelines for spatial programs and facilities to be introduced for actual applications. The results are as follows. Firstly, building an urban agricultural park fills a role as a local community space prompted by the demand-oriented evolution of urban parks, and agricultural behaviors to be incorporated in the theme. In this context, 'building an urban agricultural space focusing on sustainability', 'constructing green space systems focusing on agricultural landscape', and 'structuring leisure spaces for communications in the community' are presented as development strategies. Secondly, key functions that an urban agricultural park should have include production and trade of agricultural products on the production side, soil preservation, resource cycling and green space provision on the environmental side, leisure and experience, community vitalization, education, and social security on the social and cultural side, and entertainment functions, ecological functions, and protective functions as urban park functionality. Thirdly, key facilities needed when building an urban agricultural park include urban agricultural facilities other than park management facilities, landscape facilities, recreational facilities, sports facilities, educational facilities, and convenient facilities, and family gardens as the key facility of the urban agricultural park should be scaled in consideration of various purposes and behaviors of their use. This study has a limitation that the subject site was limited to a specific area but has significance in that it presented a planning model for the spatial structuring of park-type urban agriculture.

• Animal Systematics, Evolution and Diversity
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.157-187
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• 1994

This study includes the taxonomy , and a key to species of aphids in the family Lachnidae from Korea. Specimens examined in this study were collected from 24 kinds of plants. Samplings were accomplished at 95 localities in Korea from March, 1987 to August, 1994. A list of Korean lachnids are as follows. *1. Chinara atlantica (Wilson, 1919), *.2. C. cembrae(Seitner, 1936), *3. C. formosana (Takahashi, 1924), *4. C. fresai Blanchard, 1939, *5. C. idahoensis Knowlton,1935, 6. c. juniperi (de Geer, 1773), 7.C.kochi Inouye,1939, *8. C. laridicola (Matsumura, 1917), *9. C. laricis (Hartig, 2839), *10. C.longipennis (Matasumura, 1917), 11. C. orientalis (Takahashi, 1925), *12. C. pinidensiflorae(Essig & Kuwana, 1918), *13. C. piniformosana(Takahashi, 1923), *14 C. shinjii Inouye, 1938, *15. c. tujafilina (Del Guercio, 1909), *16 . c. watanabei Inouye, 1970, *17. C. togyuensis Seo. 1994. *18. C. deodarae Seo. 1994, *19. Eulachnus agilis (Kaltenbach, 1843), *20. E. pumilae Inouye, 1939, *21. E. thunbergi (Wilson, 1919), *22. Schizolachnus orientalis (Takahashi, 1924) , 23. Lachnus, Chosoni Szelegiewicz, 1975, 24. L. japonicus (Matsumura, 1917) , *.25. L. tropicalis 9van der Goot, 1916), *.26. Maculolachnus sumbacula (Walker, 1848), *27. M. paiki Seo. 1994, *28 Nipppolachnus piri Matsumura, 1917, 29. Stomaphis asiphon Szelegiewica, 1975, *30. S. japonica Takahashi, 1960, *31. S. yanonis Takahashi , 1918 , *32. Tuberolachnus salignus *(Gmelin, 1790). Of them , 27 species preceded by an asterisk were observed in this study, and keys to these 27 Korean lachnids are provided . The relationship between Korean lachnids and their host plants, and geogrpahical distribution are discussed.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.50 no.2
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• pp.138-148
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• 2022

The 1920s and 1930s were when new trends became prominent in Korean housing architecture. This study began with a curiosity about the appearance of residential gardens during the transition period, when housing types were changing. Since gardens are constantly evolving and living spaces, it is not easy to give a clear picture of their evolution. However, through popular magazines and newspaper articles published in the 1920-30s, this study investigated how people perceived the gardens socially and how they engaged in gardening. First, the study of Gyeongseong's urbanization process revealed that people perceived gardens as a way to give natural beauty to the urban environment. Therefore, the creation of a residential garden was strongly encouraged. Second, the housing improvement movement, which the architects actively discussed during this period, emphasized that a garden is a factor that can help improve the quality of the residential environment in terms of hygiene and landscape aesthetics. Third, since the media provided information on gardening, it was confirmed that the number of people engaged in gardening as a hobby increased. As designers and gardeners who had received a modern education became more active, the concept of "designed gardens" was formed. Lastly, although the houses were divided into various types, the shapes of the gardens did not show a significant difference according to the architecture type. They tended to embrace the time's ideal garden design and style. Therefore, even in a traditional hanok, Western-style gardens were naturally harmonized into the overall architecture, and exotic plant species could be found. Although the gardens found in media images were limited to those belonging to the homes of the intelligentsia, it can be seen that representativeness was secured, considering the popularity and ripple effect of the media. Therefore, this study contributes to the literature as it confirmed the ideal gardens and gardening methods in the 1920s and 30s.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.31-68
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• 1990

The concentration of economic power takes the form of one or a few firms controlling a substantial portion of the economic resources and means in a certain economic area. At the same time, to the extent that these firms are owned by a few individuals, resource allocation can be manipulated by them rather than by the impersonal market mechanism. This will impair allocative efficiency, run counter to a decentralized market system and hamper the equitable distribution of wealth. Viewed from the historical evolution of Western capitalism in general, the concentration of economic power is a paradox in that it is a product of the free market system itself. The economic principle of natural discrimination works so that a few big firms preempt scarce resources and market opportunities. Prominent historical examples include trusts in America, Konzern in Germany and Zaibatsu in Japan in the early twentieth century. In other words, the concentration of economic power is the outcome as well as the antithesis of free competition. As long as judgment of the economic system at large depends upon the value systems of individuals, therefore, the issue of how to evaluate the concentration of economic power will inevitably be tinged with ideology. We have witnessed several different approaches to this problem such as communism, fascism and revised capitalism, and the last one seems to be the only surviving alternative. The concentration of economic power in Korea can be summarily represented by the "jaebol," namely, the conglomerate business group, the majority of whose member firms are monopolistic or oligopolistic in their respective markets and are owned by particular individuals. The jaebol has many dimensions in its size, but to sketch its magnitude, the share of the jaebol in the manufacturing sector reached 37.3% in shipment and 17.6% in employment as of 1989. The concentration of economic power can be ascribed to a number of causes. In the early stages of economic development, when the market system is immature, entrepreneurship must fill the gap inherent in the market in addition to performing its customary managerial function. Entrepreneurship of this sort is a scarce resource and becomes even more valuable as the target rate of economic growth gets higher. Entrepreneurship can neither be readily obtained in the market nor exhausted despite repeated use. Because of these peculiarities, economic power is bound to be concentrated in the hands of a few entrepreneurs and their business groups. It goes without saying, however, that the issue of whether the full exercise of money-making entrepreneurship is compatible with social mores is a different matter entirely. The rapidity of the concentration of economic power can also be traced to the diversification of business groups. The transplantation of advanced technology oriented toward mass production tends to saturate the small domestic market quite early and allows a firm to expand into new markets by making use of excess capacity and of monopoly profits. One of the reasons why the jaebol issue has become so acute in Korea lies in the nature of the government-business relationship. The Korean government has set economic development as its foremost national goal and, since then, has intervened profoundly in the private sector. Since most strategic industries promoted by the government required a huge capacity in technology, capital and manpower, big firms were favored over smaller firms, and the benefits of industrial policy naturally accrued to large business groups. The concentration of economic power which occured along the way was, therefore, not necessarily a product of the market system. At the same time, the concentration of ownership in business groups has been left largely intact as they have customarily met capital requirements by means of debt. The real advantage enjoyed by large business groups lies in synergy due to multiplant and multiproduct production. Even these effects, however, cannot always be considered socially optimal, as they offer disadvantages to other independent firms-for example, by foreclosing their markets. Moreover their fictitious or artificial advantages only aggravate the popular perception that most business groups have accumulated their wealth at the expense of the general public and under the behest of the government. Since Korea stands now at the threshold of establishing a full-fledged market economy along with political democracy, the phenomenon called the concentration of economic power must be correctly understood and the roles of business groups must be accordingly redefined. In doing so, we would do better to take a closer look at Japan which has experienced a demise of family-controlled Zaibatsu and a success with business groups(Kigyoshudan) whose ownership is dispersed among many firms and ultimately among the general public. The Japanese case cannot be an ideal model, but at least it gives us a good point of departure in that the issue of ownership is at the heart of the matter. In setting the basic direction of public policy aimed at controlling the concentration of economic power, one must harmonize efficiency and equity. Firm size in itself is not a problem, if it is dictated by efficiency considerations and if the firm behaves competitively in the market. As long as entrepreneurship is required for continuous economic growth and there is a discrepancy in entrepreneurial capacity among individuals, a concentration of economic power is bound to take place to some degree. Hence, the most effective way of reducing the inefficiency of business groups may be to impose competitive pressure on their activities. Concurrently, unless the concentration of ownership in business groups is scaled down, the seed of social discontent will still remain. Nevertheless, the dispersion of ownership requires a number of preconditions and, consequently, we must make consistent, long-term efforts on many fronts. We can suggest a long list of policy measures specifically designed to control the concentration of economic power. Whatever the policy may be, however, its intended effects will not be fully realized unless business groups abide by the moral code expected of socially responsible entrepreneurs. This is especially true, since the root of the problem of the excessive concentration of economic power lies outside the issue of efficiency, in problems concerning distribution, equity, and social justice.