• The Korean Journal of Quaternary Research
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.21-28
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• 2001

The etymology of the Chinese words for “Asian Dust" in Korea. China, and Japan has been investigated using historical records and the research results of Quan (1994) and Wada (1917) The results show that the words for Asian Dust in Korea can be found in $\boxDr$Samguksagi$\boxUl$, $\boxDr$Korysa$\boxUl$ and $\boxDr$Chosunwangjosillok$\boxUl$, which are histrorical books of Korea. In 174 AD, during the reign of King Adalla of the Silla Dynasty, “Dust Fall” was employed to describe a descending substance in the atmosphere other than water droplets (Wada, 1917; Chun et al., 2001). The terms “Dust Fall”, “Dust rain” and “Mud” were commonly used until the end of the 19th century. It was not until Japanese colonial rule (1910~1945) that “Yellow Sand” was used in Korea. The documentation on Asian Dust started far earlier in China. “Dust Fall” records were compiled as early as 1150 BC. At that time, Asian Dust was written as “Dust Fall” or “Mud”. “Yellow Sand” was recorded in 550 AD in China, however, it seems that its use was not as common as “Dust Fall”. In Japan, the first report related to Asian Bust was made in 807 AD : it used the phase “Yellow Rain”. “Mud” was recorded in 1596 and “Dust Fall” was employed in 1633 (Wada, 1917). “Yellow Sand” was used in 1939 as the title of a Japanese research paper.aper.

• Science of Emotion and Sensibility
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.3-20
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• 2022

The origins of the world-recognized Korean gat can be traced back to Gojoseon, and the jades for the sangtu and gwanja come from Hongshan culture. This study examines the etymology of the hat, the symbolism of the gat and the jade comb, and the history of the development of the accessories for the hat. The research methods of literature review, investigation of relics and murals, and analysis of cases of pronunciation changes were used. Most of the relics excavated from the Hongshan are identical to those excavated from Korea. The Byun-Khan people wore a triangle-shaped conical hat (the byun), which was shaped to fit the protruding sangtu hairstyle, with a foldable brim that, if pulled downward, changed the hat to a gat. The Chu sangtu, a pointed top-knot hairstyle, is uniquely found among Northeast Asian peoples, and it is an ethnic symbol for Koreans. Until the modern period, many Koreans wore their hair in the sangtu style, indicating their descent from the sky. Jade combs shaped like birds and clouds from the Hongshan period emphasized the religious nature and ceremony of hair styling at that period. The word hat is widely used to refer to gat all over the world. The pronunciation of ㄱg, ㅎh. and ㅋq/kh are closely related to each other, and the ancient pronunciation ㄱg gradually evolved to ㅎh or ㅋq/kh. The English 'Hat' and Korean 'Gat' were transformed from the middle-ancient sound 'gasa > gosa > got' of the crown 'gwan, gokkal'. This creative hair style culture that started from the Hongshan culture continued to be fashionable during the Gojoseon Dangun period, and the decoration techniques for hats and accessories were inherited over time and continuously developed. Along with the method of making gat, creative hair-related parts, such as manggeons, donggot pins, gwanja buttons, and fine combs were developed over the course of a thousand years.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.57 no.6 s.115
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• pp.112-121
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• 2007

Gamtu was a name recorded in Korean in respect of 'Mo(帽), Moja(帽子), Somoja(小帽子), Jeongmoja(頂帽子), Jeonmo(氈帽), Yangmomo(羊毛帽), Tangjeon(宕巾)' from the beginning to the end of Joseon dynasty which includes various shapes and uses according to wordbook. Also, Gamtu has various phonetic transcriptions, however Manchu pronunciation of 'Moja(帽子)' is indicated as 'Kamtoo' in $\ulcorner$Dongmunyuhae(同文類解)$\lrcorner$ so the origin of the word Gamtu should be discussed. Accordingly, I want to clearly define the concept of Gamtu in this research by studying the history and shape of Gamtu, and Chinese entries annotated in Korean as Gamtu. Even though we can assume that the etymology of Gamtu is Manchu language as Manchu pronunciation of 'Moja(帽子)' is indicated as 'Kamtu' in $\ulcorner$Dongmunyuhae(同文類解)$\lrcorner$, I think the Korean pronunciation of Gamtu already existed because there already was a Chinese transcription of 'Gamtu' in the Goryeosa(高麗史). So, we can conjecture that Gamtu could be originated from Yeojin language which is the same lineage of Manchu. As a conclusion, Somoja(小帽子), Jeongmoja(頂帽子), Moja(帽子), Jeonmo(氈帽), Yangmomo(羊毛帽), Tangjeon(宕巾) had a common feature that they were produced to fit head without visor, and were annotated as Gamtu per woolen cloth was used as Jeonmo(氈帽), Yangmomo(羊毛帽), and Gamtu was just a Korean transcription that includes these names.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.35 no.1
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• pp.81-92
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• 2022

Objectives : This paper aims to analyze the origins of the pathogenic qi[邪氣] concept through analysis of related character shapes and examples within the Mawangdui Yishu, where we can grasp the state of medicine pre-Huangdineijing. Methods : Etymology was determined through ancient character analysis, while examples of its usage and original texts were compared to extract their implications. For usage analysis, medical texts of later periods that contained similar verses or contents with the Mawangdui text were compared, through which similarities and changes in meaning of the word or verse were examined. Conclusions : While the term 'xieqi(邪氣, pathogenic qi)' had not yet been mentioned in the Mawangdui text, 'eqi(惡氣)' was used similarly. Wind[風], cold[寒], dampness[濕] were not only understood as terms referring to weather or climate but possible causes for disease. Meanwhile, there was lingering belief from the Shang(商) period that saw disease as God's punishment, which could be seen as transition phenomenon from superstition to rational thought. Through diseases 'wind disease[風病]' and 'bi(痹)', we could determine that medicine at the time was limited to the Yin-yang theory, having not yet integrated the Five phases perspective. Moreover, the possibility of other pathogenic qi elements, 'heat[暑]', 'dryness[燥]', and 'fire[火]' could be assumed to have been embedded in 'wenbing(溫病)'.

• Lingua Humanitatis
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.85-107
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• 2002

The word play on h(e)art-hunting has become a virtual commonplace in criticism of Chaucer′s Book of the Duchess. Less widely discussed is the third meaning of ME herte, "hurt." The "hart"/ "heart" pun is, however, only implicit in the poem, while the rhyme of "heart" and "hurt" in lines 883-84 makes clear the close association of the terms for Chaucer. Earlier commentators insisted that this was in fact an instance of rime riche or "identical rhyme," but if it is so it is striking that it is the unique instance of the rhyme in Chaucer, whose works are full of occasions for hurt hearts. The essay argues that this is, instead, an instance of near-rhyme and that the confusion in scribal spellings of ME hurten(with ′u,′ ′0,′ ′i,′ ′y,′ and ′e′ ) suggests uncertainties about its root vowel that modem linguistic study has not clarified completely. If the rhyme of herte ("hurt") with herte ("heart") is, however, established by these lines in BD, then it is probably reasonable to ask about all the occasions where characters in the poem are hurt by emotional or physical distress. In the cases of A1cyone and the Man in Blak, the hurt is revealed plainly as the death of a loved one, and Alcyone′s death and the Man in Blak′s return "homwarde" offer contrasting responses to the realization and acknowledgement of their loss. In the case of the Narrator, however, the exact nature of his "hurt" is nowhere made clear and the questions this Jack of clarity raises for the reader remain unanswered when the poem declares its "hert-huntyng" done. Further examination of the Narrator′s character and his role in the poem may reveal him to be a physician himself in need of healing, and this reading of his character may identify him as an ancestor as much of Chaucer′s Pardoner as of the Pilgrim Narrator of Canterbury Tales.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.1
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• pp.7-22
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• 2003

What is 'Art Theory'? In the western sense, the term poses a vague ambiguity, and in the eastern, it is rather an abstract and metaphysical concept. As for etymology, theory is derived from theoria and theoria from theoros. It refers to an act of viewing or seeing, of course not in a metaphysical sense. Plato understood it as 'eide'. During the time of Plotinus, theoria encompassed gazing at every possible reality, and this gazing, that is theoria, is closely related to reality as aunit that theoriacan perceive. However, we tend to distinguish, as other scientists of dualism have done, studio art from theory since a pre-modern approach to art has been particularly tuned to studio practice, set apart from theory. Therefore, in studio classes, students are expected to learn the subject based on the foundational curriculum methods such as medium, genre, technique:, rather than bringing out their own interpretations and discussing theories. As a result, students have become artists, who are not able to understand their own art. Art professors who conduct class in studio are required to proceed with specific 'theories' as well as 'intellectual reflections'. In this respect, this thesis presents poiesis and an idea of 'acting out'. Although art history and aesthetic theory tend to view art as a finished product, actual art-making and related theories should not only be acknowledged as 'completion' (finition) but also be accompanied by theoretic interpretations of the act itself and process. Accordingly, it is to accept and appreciate art as finished result in view of current theory and aesthetics thus boils down to aisthesis. Likewise, poietics starts from a point where an artist is related to studio and examines the 'work process' that extends as far as to the exact end of work. Through the study of such relationship, it is possible that theory understands 'studio' and 'process', and an artist can grant an independent meaning to studio where s/he pours her/his heart out creating a work of art. Theory is a study on artistic discovery thus should be equipped with functions that can accommodate fortuity, imitation, thinking, culture, and surrounding.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Safety
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• v.22 no.2 s.80
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• pp.28-35
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• 2007

The terminological definition of 'safety' is difficult because the word has an meaning and the usage is too wide and various in itself. There could be various meanings of 'safety' according to the specific area on which the term is used. Even though the variety is permitted, a definition on the term of 'safety' is necessary not only to raise the understanding of consistent terminological meaning but also to make assure the perfectness on all of the applications. The term of 'safety' can be understood clearly by the comparison with the antonym and the synonym, and the limitation of the usage can be established through the comparative studies. Comparing with the antonym such as 'risk', 'safety' implies the recognition and prevention of the danger before an accident or a disaster occurs. Comparing with another antonym of 'disaster', 'safety' comprehends all the saving activities for the disaster and the measures to prevent the spread of collateral damages. The comparison with the synonym, 'security' shows that 'safety' can include the prevention of intentional mishaps. The Korean word of 'safety' might be selected by a scholar who was well educated to understand Chinese language and certain canonical texts written in Chinese. The etymological study of 'safety' was concentrated on I-ching which has been believed that could foretell a future and show a measure to prevent bad luck by performing good virtue in the life. The Korean word of 'safety' might come from Xicizhuan(Great treatise) which is known as one of ten commentaries for I-ching. The texts from Xicizhuan describes that all of the explanations about safety which could be translated to the principles of safety nowadays.

• Journal of Sasang Constitutional Medicine
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.20-29
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• 2007

1. Objectives We know that the origine of the pe-tsai is from 백채(白菜; pronounced as bak-tsai, meaning white vegetable). But some literatures said that the japanese butterbur(Petasites japonicus (Sieb. et Zucc.) Maxim) is from 백채(白菜;: pronounced as bak-tsai), too. These two words have same origin. It makes us get into a mess. So We are about to study the origine of the pe-tsai more. Also, we investigated its historical origin, properties and Sasang constitutional medicine's efficacy. 2. Methods We reviewed farmings(e.g. 山林經濟, 林園經濟法), dictionarys(e.g. 訓蒙字會), encyclopedia(e.g. 物名攷), books on herbs and medicines to summarize literatures about the pe-tsai. 3. Results and Conclusions (1) The origin of term, pe-tsai is sung, named after a pine tree(松), chineses character pronounced as song) which we can see throughout a year. Also, pe-tsai was called white vegetables(白菜, pronounced as bak-tsai) because its appearance is green and white. Therefore, the pronounciation of sung derives from its character and we also say bak-tsai(白菜), which came from its looks. (2) Today we pronounce pe-tsai inro bae-tsu(배추) in korean. There are pronunciational developments of this word : bak-tsai(白菜) $\to$ bae-tsae $\to$ bae-tsa $\to$ bae-tsa $\to$ bae-tsae(배채) $\to$ bae-tsu(배추). (3) Our ancestor used bak-tsai(白菜) as the name of japenese butterbur, which was different from China. The latter times of Joseon(조선), however, sometimes bak-tsai(白菜) meant pe-tsai. After the year of 1800, bak-tsai(白菜) only meant pe-tsai. So when we try to translate our ancestor's books, we must examine carefully their published year. (4) Pe-tsai is used for baby's erysipelas, boil, fever in the chest, thirst after alcohol drinking and kind of diabetes. It helps digestive organs as well. Pe-tsai is used for stress, fever in the chest and cough with fever of Soyangin and Tayangin in Sasang Constitutional Medicine.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.26 no.6
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• pp.19-28
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• 2017

In this paper, I have reviewed some of the Korean traditional architectural vocabularies that have to be reconsidered in terms of the problem of decode, the problem of meaning, the meaning of explain meaning, and the problem of form analysis. Especially, correct decode and interpretation of Uigwe's Korean ancient architecture borrowed character can correct old decode and interpretation. Furthermore, I confirmed that I could correct the Korean ancient architecture vocabulary that was expiscated wrongly. Especially borrowed characters corresponding to 머름[meoreum](paneling) have been known only far away 遠音[meoreum]. In addition, there were also 遠驗[meolheom] 亇乙軒[meolheon] 亇乙險[meolheom] 亇乙音[meoreom], and so on. Furthermore, in the process of decode these notations, it has become possible to assume that the original words of the modern language 머름[meoreum] also came from *멀험[meolheom]. On the other hand, there are many kinds of people like 付叱心[bussim] 夫叱心[bussim] 扶叱心[bussim] 富叱心[bussim] 富心[bussim]과 北叱心 [bussim] 北心[bussim]. You can also check the Korean ancient architecture vocabulary. However, corresponding words are difficult to find in modern Korean languages. However, in Jeju dialect, we can confirm the corresponding word. This word was used in the Joseon Dynasty, and confirmed that it is dead language today. As mentioned above, it is confirmed that there are many misconceptions about the decode and meaning of the architectural vocabulary made of borrowed character in existing architectural dictionaries, Korean dictionaries, and Korean ancient architecture related papers. Also, although the form is being confirmed, it has been confirmed that there are many things that need to be clarified, such as what the decode is, what the meaning is, and the origin I have also confirmed a number of things that need to be properly expomed in the original form, the original word. In the future, those who study Korean ancient architecture vocabulary and traditional architectural vocabulary should also be interested in these things and research it properly.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.47 no.6
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• pp.884-898
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• 2012

Place names represent a lot of information about the region and the life of the local residents. In particular, old geographical names have more spatial informations than recent place names. This paper tried to analyze the distribution and characteristic of 'Dumo' which is one of the ancient place names and was studied by Nam youngwoo in 1996 for the first time. After considering the etymology and phonological structure of 'Dumo', the name 'Dumo' included the geographic conditions related to a mountain and river in itself. The total number of place names in the line of 'Dumo' which were collected by the author were 417 and they were distributed evenly on the Korean Peninsula. 85% of them were used for the human place names and 73% of the human place names were served as settlement names standing for a village or an administrative district. Thus the author analyzed the location and diffusion of 220 of settlement names in depth. As a result, villages named in the line of 'Dumo' preferred southern or eastern exposure and located in front of a mountain and around a river. After a village name 'Dumo' was set up, it produces other similar names in the line of 'Dumo' near the village so most place names of 'Dumo' were found with several names of 'Dumo' not alone.