• The Journal of Korean-Japanese National Studies
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• no.32
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• pp.215-275
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• 2017

In the absence of the alternative public space of women in Japan, the experience of the "Bongseonhwa" was interpreted as the public domain of Japanese society as a public domain, a confession that focused on gender discrimination in the patriarchal system of Japan, Most of the enemy discourse is. These alienated discourses are the product of the efforts of women in Japan who do not want to forget about the traces and memories that can not be incorporated into the big narrative. It can not be denied that the women in the society of Japan have been excessively excluded and alienated by national ideology and patriarchal ideology. The meaning of presenting them through "Bongsinghwa" is the resistance of the minority, and it is the expression way of reconstructing and strengthening the identity of the women, and it is said to be a space of symbolic meaning. It is further clarified that it is based on a narrative that creates a new life area for coexistence with Japanese society, on the other hand, by constantly searching for the linkage with the motherland, held by women in Japan. As a result, between public social phenomena and private living space, confirmed that it conflicts with repetitive internal contradiction of controlling power and confirmed that complicated and detailed material of women living in Japan who undergo double discrimination What has been expressed over a period is considered to be a resistance expression and a will of expression of reconciliation to coexist with Japanese society. I have attempted to analyze the confessed alienated discourse of "Bongsinghwa" by classifying it as . As a result, it is confirmed that the public social phenomenon and the private life space are confronted with the repetitive internal contradictions of the power of domination, and the expression of the complex and detailed material of the discriminated women in Japan over a long period of time is a resistance to symbiosis with Japanese society And the will of the conversation.

• Korean Institute of Interior Design Journal
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.21-30
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• 2012

Interior space of modern society has a request for non-functional considerations as well as a need for function. French sociologist Jean Baudrillard defined this phenomenon as a dialectical relationship between the functional system and the non-functional system in his book "The System of Objects". The main goal of interior design is the pursuit of non-functional aspects which can satisfy emotional needs of human being without ignoring functional side. This means that designer should exceed the limitation of the functional system and overcome it by his own idea and method. Under this recognition, this paper tried to understand how Shiro Kuramata and Takashi Sugimoto accomplished the overcoming successfully. Sugimoto breaks through mechanical monotony introducing the non-functional objects into the functional system. His objects have power and form of the nature. They also shows traces of manufacture and labor. They works as media transferring old life and values. Sugimoto sometimes adopts the non-functional system such as collection, so it reveals time of collecting and arrangement of various objects. In contrast to Sugimoto, Kuramata erased the form of functional object and turned over the everydayness of the functional system. Instead, aesthetical phenomena substitutes form. Having doubts about the geometrical order of functional system, he opened a discourse for its meaning and limitation. However they have something in common which works as a blueprint for establishing subject's discourse. This discourse is comprised of their own memories of scenes. These subjects' discourse institute worlds through their design works based on each methodology. From the Heideggerian point of view, the worlds offer a foundation which allows the establishment of art in interior design.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.20 no.6
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• pp.57-76
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• 2011

This study is on the pedagogical convention of architectural history in Korea, especially that of Western Architecture. Recent institutional change in architectural school in Korea has caused overall restructuring of academic program. In spite of extension in the field of history there was no progress of method and way of thinking. There is no change in the point of view to see the western architecture and its history as a unique and specialized phenomenon in the civilization of mankind. Because of no recognition about for what, for whom, and how to, and because of orientalism, the cultural position of western architectural history and its narrative was not asked. With the help of post-colonialism, de-constructivism and critical historiography this paper tries to show the fundamental premise of western architectural history as a myth and show its prejudice as not being justifiable. The background of the discourse there has been a representation effect with regard to knowledge as a power. we need to escape from this kind of cognitional frame With the analysis of the its premise and narrative we can find it is a historical construct that was made in the age of imperialism. In fact it has a lot of false information and problematic point of view. The Identity and originality of western architecture and its history has no logical reason or foundation if we think that it depends on the difference and comparison with other civilization. For example the explanation of its historical origin western architecture has big difference with Islamic architecture in spite of the resemblance each other. This paper try to show several reasons that discourse of western architectural history can not be survived any longer. So we need to reconstruct new pedagogy with deconstruction for the students of non western, or Korean students. Because it has important effect to see and think about architecture and its history.

• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.26-41
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• 2005

In this study homosexuality as a discourse represented in contemporary fashion magazines is explored in context. The main concerns are the contemporary construction of homosexuality, fashion symbols to identify homosexuals, and relationships between homosexuality and heterosexual masculinity in fashion images today. After elaborating homosexuality conceptualized historically, an analytical framework from Foucault's discursive approach was made up to interpret the fashion spreads since 2000. As a result, as it is assumed that the concept of homosexuality is constructed by historical specificity, homosexual fashion styles are dynamic. So, it should be recognized that they are formed by power relationships with heterosexuality, and other social factors such as class, race, age, and consumer culture and market trends. On the basis of photographic themes and fashion looks homosexual images are classified into 3 kinds of versions, the effeminate trend setter, the masculine athlete or biker, and the neo camp. However, most of contemporary homosexual photographs are not also so conspicuously different from heterosexual ones. Therefore, in the contemporary structure at least from fashion images, homosexuals can be recognized equally with heterosexual people only except for sexual preference. Thus, homosexual fashion also shares a lot of fashionable products with heterosexual one, with often homosexuals' role as trend -setter.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.17-29
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• 2001

This paper serves to analyze discourses on remarriage of the widows at the beginning of the modernization era or during the enlightenment period of Korea (1860-1910). The discourses of newspapers and Shinsoseol which are the text of this study have been analyzed with the qualitative research technique. The major conclusions that are derived from the study are as follows: First, intellectuals during the enlightenment period claimed the unfairness of the prohibition from remarriage of the widows with especially focusing on financial difficulty and life-long loneliness of the young widows. Second, permission of remarriage of the widows was explained not with the point of vies of individual life of widow, but with the point of vies of strengthening the international competitiveness. Third, the discourse claimed that the widow should hold the power of decision of remarriage. Forth, the discourse emphasized the etiquette of the wedding ceremony in remarriage of widows. Fifth, the point that the faithfulness was not easy for a usual widow to obey made the faithfulness noble ethical principle of Korea society.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.59-76
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• 2015

This paper proposes an approach in Southeast Asian studies using a post-colonial framework in the study of post-colonial Southeast Asia. This framework is based on the sociology of knowledge that analyzes the dialectical relationship between science, ideology, and discourse. Post-colonial studies is critical of the concept of universality in science and posits that a scientific statement of a society cannot stand alone, but is made by authors themselves who produce, use, and claim the so-called scientific statement. Several concepts in post-colonial theories can be used to develop area studies, i.e. colonial discourse, subaltern, mimicry, and hybridity. Therefore, this study also explores these concepts to develop a more comprehensive understanding of Southeast Asian culture. The development of post-colonial theories can be used to respond to the hegemony of social theories from Europe and the United States. The main contribution of area studies in the field of the social sciences and humanities is in revealing the hidden interests behind the universal social sciences.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.27-59
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• 2023

This study aims to serve as a critical comparison of the currently controversial 'new cold war' discourse. It took three triggers for the 'new cold war' discourse to emerge as a major issue in the media and academia and to have real political impact. With the launch of China's 'Belt and Road' project and Russia's annexation of Crimea leading to the 'Ukraine crisis,' the 'new cold war' discourse has begun to take shape. Trump's U.S.-China trade spat has brought the 'new cold war' debate to the forefront. The 'new cold war' debate is currently being intensified by the Biden administration's framing of "democracy versus authoritarianism" and Putin's invasion of Ukraine. Currently, there is no consensus among scholars on whether the controversial 'new cold war' is a new version, or a continuation of the historically defined concept of the Cold War. The term 'New Cold War' is less of an analytical concept and more of a topical term that has yet to achieve analytical status, let alone a theoretical validation and systematization, and the related debate remains at the level of assertion or discourse. Through this comparative analysis, I will argue that the ongoing discourse of the 'New Cold War' does not have the instrumental explanatory power to analyze the transitional phenomena of the world order today.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.51
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• pp.161-191
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• 2018

In the beginning of the 20th century, post-colonialism has directly raised questions about western-centered universalism. One of its main achievements is that the political liberation of a colonial society does not guarantee the social, economic and cultural liberation of a society. Therefore, the discourse of liberation in the Western society, in particular, Marxism, nationalism, feminism and postmodernism, cannot be directly applied to the non-Western society. As a result, Western and non-Western societies are unfortunately dreaming of different futures and liberation; therefore, a'geopolitical dialogue' is needed between them. However, the theorists' efforts for postcolonial liberation failed to distinguish themselves from the western-centric traditions. It is also true that they have, in conjunction with these traditions, established their own power. As we know, many of the postcolonial criticisms somehow had relations with the West. This study will re-read the postcolonial thought of $Aim{\acute{e}}$ $C{\acute{e}}saire$, the father of the so-called $N{\acute{e}}gritude$, as a 'non-western resistance discourse'. Through this process, we have a chance to reflect on $C{\acute{e}}saire$ and his postcolonial thoughts.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.1-26
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• 2021

Applying discourse analysis of Russia's narrative on humanitarian aid and its perception by the Western collective identity at the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, this study identifies several challenges that constructivism poses to the current understanding of public diplomacy (PD). In contrast to the mainstream positivist tendency to evaluate the effectiveness of PD through models, this article expands the PD narrative by inquiring about the role of power, intersubjective knowledge, and collective identities in public diplomacy. In particular, it examines the PD questions often ignored by researchers regarding how collective identities can exercise discursive power to interpret incoming narratives, which challenge domestic intersubjective knowledge. It also argues that, because the Russian political elite failed to ensure a coherent story and provide informational support for its humanitarian aid, the Western intersubjective knowledge on Russia negatively contributed to the perception of PD narratives. Thus, the article underscores the importance for PD practitioners to understand how the socially constructed nature of knowledge can improve or harm PD strategies.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.5
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• pp.307-314
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• 2024

For us, as 2023 marked the 70th anniversary of the signing of the Armistice Agreement, it provided an opportunity to reflect once again on the potential for transitioning the armistice into a peace treaty, officially ending the Korean War, and establishing a peace regime that could promote peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula. Since the Geneva Conference of 1954, North Korea has made various statements regarding a peace treaty. It can be seen that North Korea aimed to strengthen its own power and achieve a balance of power by entering into a peace treaty with South Korea or the U.S. This paper aims to examine the reasons why North Korea, a signatory of the Armistice Agreement of 1953, became interested in forging a peace treaty and to establish the foundation of how North Korea's discourse on a peace treaty has changed over time. By examining cases of North Korea's proposals for an inter-Korean or a North Korea-U.S. peace treaty since the 1954 Political Conference to the period from the 1950s to the 1990s, this paper seeks to explain the background behind North Korea's peace treaty discourse and to consider the implications of these changes for South Korea and the U.S., which would be parties to such a peace treaty. Additionally, the paper aims to explore the implications for South Korea and the United States, not only in relation to North Korea but also considering the United Nations Command and the ROK-U.S. Mutual Defense Treaty, when entering into a peace treaty with North Korea.