• International Area Studies Review
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.535-558
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• 2011

Based on the Rodrik's four-way partition of institutions; market creating, market regulatory institution, market stabilizaing and market legitimizing institution, we analyze how FDI and interaction between FDI and democracy affect four kinds of institutions. By using fixed effect and system GMM model we estimate the direct and indirect effect of FDI on institutions within a large panel data set of 186 developing and developed countries for the period 1985-2009. We show that FDI inflows do not have a positive and significant impact on most kinds of institutions while interaction between democracy and FDI inflows have a significant and positive effect on market creating, market legitimizing and market stabilizing institution. The implication is FDI inflow does not directly lead to change the quality of institution but can indirectly improve it on the condition that democracy of host country become mature. To our knowledge this is the first article to empirically test the FDI and four-way unbundled institutions linkages.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.16
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• pp.207-254
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• 2001

This study is focused on forecasting the future of tole-democracy. Many Scholars expect that internet provides technological space needing realizing the tole-democracy or deliberate democracy. Especially in Korea, this expectation is higher than other nations because of political corruption and inefficiency. Therefore internet is intended to considering as new technologies reforming political process. In 16th the general election period, many candidates established home page and used as election campaign tool. And a little of home pages is payed attention to among voters. In spite of using internet as political medium, many political communication researchers have a doubt that internet will realize ideal direct democracy. It's reason is that internet is open and anonymous space. At anonymous space, communication participators is tended to be irresponsible and non-serious. Therefore it is hard that cyber-politics will be ideal type of democracy. In this context, this paper analyzed how pauicipators communicate with others at cyber bulletin board establishing candidate's home pages. Main research questions is how do discussions at cyberspace fulfill the conditions of deliberate democracy. Therefore, concrete questions include; who are participators at candidate's cyber bulletin board; which pattern do they communicate; what is the theme of communication; which effects do the anonymous character of cyberspace influence. To that purpose, this study conducted content analysis on 4,210 written matters at 82 cyber bulletin boards of candidate's home page establishing during 16th the general election period. It can be found that cyberspace in Korea still is not deliberate democracy space and not will be. Firstly, discussion patterns at cyber bulletin board is "candidate with supporters communication space. To be exact, it is said that candidate's home page is "the space of self-convincing among supporters." Secondly, the main themes of discussion are simple emotional expressions; "I support you!" "fighting" "Be vigor" etc. By contrast, real political contents'-central or local political matters - is relatively few. In the mode of expression, real political messages are more positive, logical than simple expressions, candidates private matters. Especially this characteristic will make cyberspace as "mutual slander space" consolidating anonymous characteristic of cyberspace. finally, Cyberspace in Korea still is not real "public sphere" realizing deliberate process. Therefore to be real public sphere, it is needed to participant's ethical maturity and political citizenship. In conclusion, it is difficult that cyberspace will reconstruct the Athene's Agora. On the contrary, Cyberagora will like to be irrespectable area fulfilling the sweeping. Making the deliberate space, technological possibility and ethical condition will have to be balanced together.

• 한국디지털정책학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2004.11a
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• pp.311-331
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• 2004

This paper addresses the democracy-oriented regulatory and legal requirements that e-democracy impacts. It demonstrates that the structure of the political system also plays a significant role in the decision to develop an e-voting application. The short term perspective of the questions put before the electorate obliterate the long term perspective in which many policy problems have to be seen. A well-designed e-voting system should produce an audit trail that is even stronger than that of conventional systems (including paper-based systems). Remote Internet voting systems pose significant risk to the integrity of the voting process, and should not be fielded for use in public elections until substantial technical and social science issues are addressed. Conclusively the paper focuses on the specific attributes an electronic voting (polling place) system should respect and ensure such as transparency, verifiability, accountability, security and accuracy in relation to the constitutional requirements such as General, Free. Equal, Secret, Direct and Democratic.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.1-30
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• 2020

Recently, in the conservative wave in Latin America, the political participation of the conservative Pentecostal Church has been highlighted. This article analyzes the impact of this political participation on democracy and its development, based on the case of Brazil. First, the Pentecostal churches contributed greatly to religious pluralism, but show an exclusive and aggressive attitude toward other religions and ideologies. Also, in the process of selecting official candidates, most members of the churches are politically mobilized according to the unilateral decisions of the leadership, and these elected candidates serve the specific corporatist interests of their own denomination or church rather than the public interest. In addition, the purpose of political participation to obtain public offices is also a stumbling block to the development of democracy in Brazil by placing it in the direct realization of a specific religious interests or values of the rebuilding of the Christian kingdom.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.25-47
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• 2008

This paper tries to explore the impact of economic globalization on social capital accumulation. To investigate direct effect, we build a model and derive a proposition which can explain the relative decline in social capital brought about by market expansion. Besides direct effect, we also explore channel effect through democracy, government size, education attainment, and inequality. We estimate direct and channel effect of globalization using cross section of 65 countries data time period 1980-1999 using three-stage least squares(3SLS). Results are in line with predictions and clearly support that globalization significantly and negatively affects social capital accumulation. Channel effect also shows that globalization has a negative effect through aggravating income inequality while it has a positive effect through higher education attainment, higher level of democracy and larger government spending. Such a net negative channel effect reinforces our prediction. As a robustness check we estimate other sets of data and the result strongly supports our theory.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.29-58
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• 2016

'Post-memory' is the act of remembering traumatic events in history by subsequent generations who have not had direct experiences or relations with them. For this reason, the narratives of 'post-memory' are considered as re-interpretations of the past deeply influenced by current perspectives and concerns. The Chilean film NO goes back to the Referendum of 1988 in order to examine the "NO campaign" which was opposed to another eight years of continuation of the Pinochet regime. Although this campaign contributed significantly to the Chilean democratization, the filmmaker does not just celebrate it: rather he attempts to cast a critical reflection on its strategies that eventually turned democracy into a "commodity" by deploying commercial language and marketing tools for characterizing and describing it. On the other hand, the Korean movie The Attorney sheds light on the story of an attorney who, during the military regime in the 1980's, became a human rights lawyer when he tried to advocate for university students accused of violating national security law. This film reconstitutes the meaning of democracy built upon the logic of "common-sense" that privileges freedom and fundamental human rights over Statism. Despite the different historical contexts between Chile and South Korea, these two movies retell the history of a dictatorship that ended a couple of decades ago. In doing so, they raise questions about history, memory and democracy in order to deepen the understanding of current social and political circumstances while placing an emphasis on the roles and responsibilities of intellectuals during the transition to democracy and democratic consolidation.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.62 no.3
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• pp.141-162
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• 2010

This paper tries to provide empirical support for a formal model of social policy development which has been presented in a former paper of this study. In the direct democracy, median voter's social policy preference is critical because he is Condorcet winner in a pair-wise pure majority voting. But, in the more general setting, we should think of various political institutions as a collective choice device. For this reason, I draw a formal model which formulates three contrasting types of political institutions which are distinguished by the developments of political democracy and the differences of electoral rules. Comparative patterns of key variables which measure political institutions, social policy developments, and social policy preference provide support for my arguments. My empirical results suggest that three political institutions are associated with very different policy outcomes. Compared to other institutions, committee system entails more targeted subsidy, less universal benefit. On the contrary, proportional elections produce more universal benefit, less targeted subsidy.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.49
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• pp.121-173
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• 2016

An election is a major event in a country that elects the people's representatives. Currently, Korea's electoral system has a structure that limits the exclusion of the minority's opinion. Also, it has strengthened the monopoly of major political parties. Despite the harsh conditions, Green Party Korea has proposed an alternative to prevent even the minority from being excluded by practicing direct democracy and expanding proportional representation through the institutionalization of the democratic process within the party. Election campaigns should thus reflect this orientation of Green Party Korea. The local elections and the national elections reflect Korea's political and social status and show the course over two minority parties beyond such limits. Moreover, they provide evidence of the activities of Green Party Korea. The paper analyzes how the election archives of the party hold the values of democracy, how minor parties jump to another because of the unfavorable election system, and how the archives of Green Party Korea reflect its values on the political history of Korea.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.229-275
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• 2016

We study the effect of the high-skilled emigration rate on the growth rate of the source countries. We incorporate the foreign direct investment and the policy variables into the panel model and also their interactions with the high-skilled emigration rate, as they are related to the network externality that may be created by the high-skilled emigrants working abroad. We apply the static fixed-effects model and compare it with the results obtained in the dynamic panel model with system generalized methods of moments estimators. We find the negative effect of the high-skilled emigration rate by itself and in its interaction with the foreign direct investment only in the dynamic model. However, we find positive coefficient for the interaction of the high-skilled emigration rate and the civil liberties index, which holds across the static and dynamic specifications. This implies that the effect of the high-skilled emigration rate on the growth rate of the source countries can be positive, and the extent is larger for countries with 'poor' civil liberties. The developing countries with low levels of foreign direct investment inflows and 'poor' civil liberties can best benefit from the high levels of skilled emigration outward. Through finding significant interactions with other variables, we confirm that the high-skilled emigration should be considered along with other related variables in measuring its impact on growth. The implications offer suggestions for the international trade and aid policies.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.61 no.4
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• pp.35-59
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• 2009

This paper presents a formal model of social policy development. The model shows that the development of social policy depends both on the social policy preferences of voters and on the political institution which mediates the preferences of voters. In the direct democracy, median voter's social policy preference is critical because he is Condorcet winner in a pairwise vote. But in the representative democracy, political parties design social policy to win the support of a majority of voters. Hence, the political institution like electoral rule may affect social policy outcome. The model presented in this paper contrasts 3 alternative constitutional features and investigates how they affect social policy outcome. In result, this papers emphasizes that policy preferences of voters and political institution may be key variables to explain social policy development and divergence among welfare regimes.