• International Area Studies Review
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.873-896
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• 2009

China's the resource diplomacy towards Africa as successful results that are difficult to find precedents even within the world's diplomatic community. These results was after having its first diplomatic contact with Africa, during the Bandung Conference of 1955, China supported the armed independence movement of each colony in Africa. These several material and immaterial ad and sacrifice continued for over half a century and they could be see as the products of the Cold War that was created. The importance of the argument, how did and international relation that began as an idea extend into the spheres of politics and economics, has resurfaced. With this objective, the purpose of this research is to understand the initial stages of Chinese versus African policies that started with the first official contact between China and Africa, centered on the 1995 Bandung Conference and the 1957 Afro-Asian People's Solidarity and Study the development of the ensuing relationship.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.27 no.8
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• pp.111-121
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is to examine the historical facts about the negotiation process between Korea and the U.S. over the launch of AFKN-TV's color broadcasting in 1977, which can be evaluated as the first time that the government raised the issue of broadcasting sovereignty against the U.S. government. More specifically, through literature research on archive documents stored in the Korean National Archives and Diplomatic Archive of Korea National Diplomatic Academy, this study examined the arguments, perceptions, and actions of the two governments by dividing three phases of the negotiation process. As a result of the study, the negotiations with the U.S. government over the unilateral color broadcasting of AFKN-TV in early 1977 and the conflict between the two countries led to a new perspective of broadcasting sovereignty. The Korean government's commitment to broadcasting sovereignty targeted the U.S. government in the 1980s once again.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.13-30
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• 2017

Referred to as a 'media war,' there is a fierce competition for media discourse between different countries. Twenty four hour global news channels like Al Jazeera, France 24, RT, NHK World, China's CCTV and teleSUR emerged to offer their own perspectives and stance in the global society, and to face the monopolization and distorted information created by the hegemony of English news channels which have swayed international public opinions for a long time. As a tool of public diplomacy, the media's role in determining the image of the nation and winning the 'Hearts and Minds' of the international community is decisive, but it cannot be said that they all have a similar influence or play a positive role in media diplomacy. A global news channel, which is both a media diplomatic subject and a journalism organization, can be in the position of acting as a public relations organization or a propaganda agency for the government depending on the regime's attitude because most of global news channels receive support from the government. Sometimes it is difficult for these media to implement quality journalism because of financial difficulties. Media discourse also has limitations in that it is dependent upon changes in foreign policy of its own government. This study examines the current status of global news channels, the dilemma these channels are facing, and suggests some potential directions that can be taken by global news channels in order to become more effective. It is becoming increasingly important for all nations to respond to distorted information about their own countries, to appropriately identify various issues and changes in the international community and to convey their views and positions to the international community. For now, there is a lack of awareness about the importance of media diplomacy in Korea: There are many English-language media, but as yet no global news channel which could have an influence on the international stage. However, there seems to be some understanding about the need for the media to present the Korean alternative discourse to the senseless dependency on Western media. We hope that this study will be an opportunity to think in depth about the attitude of the Korean global media, whether existing global media or new global news channels, in order to help them become more effective in media diplomacy.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.46 no.3
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• pp.119-133
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• 2021

After 'Zhou Chuchu (走出去, Go global)' in the early 2000s, and with the 'One-to-One Road' initiative in 2012, China's Overseas Foreign Direct Investment (OFDI) has increased significantly, resulting in high academic interest. The purpose of this study is to analyze the impact of national risks of home country on China's OFDI by using data from 49 countries along the 'One-to-One Road' between 2007 and 2018, and to compare the factors of national risks that attract investment from the world. As a result of the study, market economy companies' perceptions of national risks are mostly negative, so risk acts as a deterrent to investment. On the other hand, national risks of home countries have had positive effects on China's OFDI, which would mean that Chinese investors, mostly state-owned enterprises have a high tendency to invest in regions or countries with high national risks. Other economic factors, such as the size of the investment partner country's market, GNI per capita, and trade openness, had a positive (+) effect, and natural resources had a negative (-) effect on China's OFDI. As dummy variables, FTA, which is an economic and diplomatic factor, SCO, which is a political and diplomatic factor, and bordering which is a geographical factor, were also found to have a positive (+) effect. This study implies the investment pattern of China's OFDI is due to the characteristics of China's unique geopolitical and economic system, and it is judged to be influenced by political and strategic factors, especially the aspects led by state-owned enterprises.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.20
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• pp.31-47
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• 1993

1. The relationship between Korea and Buk-Song had maintained for 164 years(964 1126 A.D). The period of relationship was from KwangJong Year 13(4years after establishing Buk-Song), Song Tae-Cho 1 year, to HeumJong Cheong Dang 1st year(InJong 4years in Koran). Author divides into three periodic terms, and remarkable diplomatic facts are as follows. 1) KwangJong year 13(963 A.D) SungJong year 13(994 A.D) : Normal relations, Song needed Korea's armed support. 2) MokJong year 6(1003 A.D) HyunJong year 9(1018 A.D) : Not steady relations and broke up, by MunJong year 26, Dang requested to resume the diplomatic relations. 3) MunJong year 25(1017 A.D) InJong 4(1126 A.D) : Song utilized Korea as a back supporter, but Song destructed by Keum. 2. Korea was donated knightage without offcial clothing by BukSong 10 times(KwangJong year 13 SungJong year 11). However during 164 years. Song presented some clothings Korea friendly. 3. Even though Korea cound not continue the steady diplomatic relations, Korea had been influenced the social systems including cloth-ing systems by Dang. Song dynasty. 4. The author studys historical materials which show that TongilSh-Shinra adapted social systems of Dang dynasty including clothing systems, which was succeeded to Korea for 200 years. Details are as follows ; 1) Original clothing color-systems which were Ja(purpil), Cheong(blue), Hwang(yellow), Pi, called 4-clored-system, of Tongil-Shinra, was suceeded to Korea, Above mentioned clothing systems of three countries of Korean peninsula. 2) When Korea unified the certificate of Pisam holders were superior from those of Tongil-Shinra and Hoo-Bakjae. There two classes used same seried-color 'ja, (Dan, Pi), Cheong(blue), Hwang(yellow)', or 'ja, (Dan, Pi), Cheong' and lasted to KwangJong year10 as a of-ficial clothing. 3) KwangJong year 7, according to the three colored official clothing system of Hooju, accepted Hooju's KwangJong year 11, that shifted 'Ja, (Dan, Pi), Cheong, Hwang', or, Ja, (Dan, Pi) Cheong', to 'Ja, Dan, Pi, Rok(green)'. 4) The clothing systems which are ja, (Dan, Pi), Rok which established KwangJong year 11 shifted to Song's, Ja, Ju(orange), Rok, Cheong, which had happened SungJong year 14 to MokJong 1st year. 5) 4-colored systems ('Ja, Pi, Rok, Cheong (distictable : sky blue, ocean blue)' shifted to 3 colored system which established Song ShingJong 1st year, which succeeded to Nam-Song and Keum. 5. The relationship between Korea and Yo had maintained for 207 years(918 1125 A.D). The period of relationship was from TaeJo 1st year to InJong year 3. 6. Yo, and Korea were called for king(15 times), prince(7 times). 7. Korea was donated knightage by Yo. The time when HyunJong year 13, Yo donated official clothing. From that time had used to do. The author divides into three periodic terms and discrives the shifting the formal clothing systems. Details were as follows ; 1) HyunJong year 13 MunJong year 8 : Even donating clothing systems from Yo had maintained for 35 years, Yeo, Song, Yo, three countries had not have formal cloth-ing, because they had been on the strug-gling. So that Korea had followed the same way of informal clothing. 2) MunJong year 918 : Yo donated the formal clothing to Korea for the King. Diplomatic condition was in the control, so that whole three countries used formal clothing. 3) MunJong year 19 YeaJong year 3 : Korea was donated 'Kuryumyun Kujangbokje', which became the formal clothings vs China.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.1-8
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• 2006

Since its defeat in the Second World War, Japan has been fostering good ties with Western countries, especially the United States. However, some East Asian leaders emboldened by their countries' economic success have proclaimed that the future belongs to Asia and have put forward the "Asian values" argument. It is interesting to note that some elements of the "Asian values" argument resemble ultranationalist discourse that was dominant in Japan before the war. The Japanese Government had a great opportunity to reappraise its role in international politics and take stock of its economic and diplomatic relations with East Asian countries after the end of the Cold War. To meet future challenges, Japan should fully overcome anti-Western sentiment and participate in establishing a truly democratic East Asian regionalism based on the "universal values" of human rights, democracy and freedom. This may prove to be one of the biggest challenges for Japan's East Asia policy in the new century.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.6
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• pp.123-146
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• 2003

International sports events are no longer simple sports events. They are kinds of political and diplomatic events which are focused on international interests and they have to be held successfully to achieve their goal. Recently their economic effects have become one of the most important purposes. Almost all countries are doing there best to host international sports events for the purpose of advertising their own countries. But if there are terrorists who are to attack international sports events, the purpose of international sports events to improve friendship between nations and the peace of all mankinds will be seriously damaged. Also host country will be seriously damaged politically, diplomatically and economically. This article examines rapidly increasing international terrorism after 9.11 and analyzes the recent world terrorism situations and furthermore proposes legal and systemic countermeasures of our country to concentrate nation's abilities to prevent these kinds of sports terrorism.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.31-42
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• 2020

There is great confusion over what constitutes public diplomacy (PD), who its actors are, and the relevance of non-state actors. In the Korean context, in addition to the general fuzziness of the concept, linguistic peculiarities of the terms gonggong and gongjung both of which refer to public, waegyo, which is interchangeably used for international affairs, foreign policy and diplomacy, and juche which is simultaneously used for actor and agent, add more layers of confusion. While the term PD in Korea is based almost entirely on Western conceptualization, these linguistic peculiarities prevent fruitful conversations among scholars and practitioners on PD. Against this background, this research note explores and addresses conceptual ambiguities that pertains to PD and the policy discourse on the topic, particularly on non-state PD in Korea. The paper draws on Korean government's PD-related policy documents and Diplomatic White Papers and all relevant academic articles found in Korean-language journals registered in the Korean Citation Index (KCI), which are analysed to gain an understanding of the PD-related policy discourse in Korea.

• International Commerce and Information Review
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.385-405
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to investigate liability risk of air cargo carrier and suggests ideas for solving problems which could be happen to air transporters on the future. because of Air transport remains one of the world's fastest growing and most important industries. And important treaties and contracts specifying transporters' responsibility regarding big scale aircraft accidents are such as Warsaw Convention in 1929, Hague Protocol in 1955, Montreal Convention in 1999. The Montreal Convention, formally the Convention for the Unification of Certain Rules for International Carriage, is a treaty adopted by Diplomatic meeting of ICAO member states in 1999. It amended important provisions of the Warsaw Convention's concerning compensation for the victims of air disasters. In conclusion, suggests to the method of air cargo security and cargo legal liability insurance which is for air cargo carrier's risk management.

• Korean Institute of Interior Design Journal
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• v.15 no.5 s.58
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• pp.273-280
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• 2006

Recently our country highly evaluate cultural value of modern construction. Before and after Japanese imperial period, diplomatic equipment, commerce equipment and brand-new modern construction of Japan and Western came into our country coercively. Especially, modern construction placed in center of the city, as previously stated, was a construction field of historical disgrace. So it leaves alone or transforms to high technology because of well located. Selctive reception of the past makes difficult to know about rightful modem, furthermore it is difficult to expect rightful future. Accordingly, I write this. paper for the purpose of presenting the space application blueprint of 'Jung Myung Jeon' of modern construction designated as the cultural properties in Seoul. According to the project, 'Jung Myung Jeon' will do a role as the keyword which is important connects a past and a present time it presents. Then modern construction 'Jung Myung Jeon' which has a culture value will develop continuous with the city.