• 분석과 대안
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• 제7권1호
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• pp.171-200
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• 2023

This research aims to analyze the external activities of local governments in South Korea from the perspective of the developing trends in city diplomacy, contrary to the conventional and narrow concept regarding local government's international exchange and cooperation as a public diplomacy. In detail, this research intends to illustrate the following: first, to differentiate South Korean local governments' growing commitment to international affairs from public diplomacy; second, to highlight the integration of public diplomacy with other forms of diplomacy within the framework of city diplomacy. This research argues that city diplomacy in South Korea has gradually shown the following three trends and characteristics. First, South Korean local governments have recognized the importance of participating in multilateral diplomacy via city networks to find compelling solutions to non-traditional and transnational security threats. They perceive this external activity as an opportunity for policy sharing and problem-solving with foreign partners. Second, local governments in South Korea have been fostering various ways to institutionalize their involvement in foreign affairs and organizations, such as amendments to related laws and the launching of task forces, to pursue so-called sustainable and systematic international exchange and cooperation. Lastly, South Korean local governments have constructed multiple channels and multilevel governance in the form of public-private partnerships to enhance policy expertise and cope with diverse agendas.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.49-74
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• 2021

In this paper, I applied grounded theory in exploring how Twitter became the battlefield for China's public diplomacy campaign. China's new move to global social media platforms, such as Twitter and Facebook, has been a controversial strategy in public diplomacy. This study analyzes Chinese Foreign Spokesperson Zhao Lijian's Twitter posts and comments. It models China's recent diplomatic move to Twitter as a "war of words" model, with features including "leadership," "polarization," and "aggression," while exerting possible effects as "resistance," "hatred," and "sarcasm" to the global community. Our findings show that by failing to gage public opinion and promote the country's positive image, China's current digital diplomacy strategy reflected by Zhao Lijian's tweets has instead constructed a polarized political public sphere, contradictory to the country's promoted "shared human destiny." The "war of words" model extends our understanding of China's new digital diplomacy move as a hybrid of state propaganda and self-performance. Such a strategy could spread hate speech and accelerate political polarization in cyberspace, despite improvements to China's homogenous network building on Twitter.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.43-68
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• 2022

Multiple modes of communication on social media can contribute to public diplomacy in informing, conversing, and networking with members of foreign publics. However, manipulative behaviours on social media, prevalent especially in high tension contexts, create disruptions to authentic communication in what could be grey/black propaganda or information warfare. This study reviews existing literature about models of public diplomacy to guide an empirical study of China's communication in the #SouthChinaSea conversation on Twitter. It uses computational methods to identify, record, and analyze one-way, two-way, and network communication of China's actors. It employs manual qualitative research to determine the nature of China's actors. On that basis, it assesses China's Twitter communication in the issue against various models of public diplomacy.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.28-42
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• 2022

The aim of this article is to rethink the role of international trade as a public diplomacy tool by considering the uncertainties that stem from political tensions. The main contribution made in this article is theoretical rather than statistical. However, we analyze trade and public opinion data to study the relationship between both factors. Using Latinobarometer, a cross-sectional survey that collects public opinion data from Latin America, this article analyses public opinion toward the United States and China. One of the main takeaways from this study is that, despite its potential to showcase political stability, public diplomacy undervalues 'unintended consequences' of international trade relations. This article takes up international trade as an unintended, but arguably effective, resource to be developed for the practice of public diplomacy. Findings presented in this article do not claim causation between trade and opinion, something that can be explored by further research, but rather introduce new questions for further research on the public diplomacy of trade relations.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.111-113
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• 2021

• 분석과 대안
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• 제5권1호
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• pp.59-85
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• 2021

中国的公共外交在与韩国和台湾等周边国家地区发展关係方面有着很大的贡献。但当东北亚地区发生巨大的秩序变动或与台湾和韩国发生政治安保矛盾时,中国的公共外交却无法发挥缓解紧张关係并提供解决方案的角色。为什么中国公共外交无法在缓解与周边国家的政治安保矛盾中充分发挥其作用？本研究着重于中国的体制特性会对公共外交的目标,战略以及行为人和行为所带来的影响。具体来说,嚮往着与西方国家相反的政治价值与体制的中国通过公共外交所追求的目标以及战略的确与众不同。台湾和韩国以及其他东北亚的周边国家都有着迥然不同的体制。因此,为了在这些国家地区推动公共外交,通常都会利用彼此共有的歷史文化议题。这些特征可以视为说明中国公共外交在政治安保矛盾方面弱点的主要关键。不仅如此,以中国权威主义的政治以及国家-社会关係为由,也可说明中国一丝不乱并具系统性的中国公共外交推进体制以及成果。但另一方面,本论文也会提出为什么中国公共外交在与周边国家发生的政治安保矛盾方面无法有效地起缓衝作用的原因。本研究以此分析框架为基础,并探讨上文所提研究问题的答案。

• 적정기술학회지
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• 제6권2호
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• pp.103-114
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• 2020

적정기술은 해외 개발도상국 지역 주민의 환경과 수요에 맞추어 서로 다른 국가 및 국민들이 상호작용하는 공공외교의 틀로 비추어 볼 수 있을 것이다. 한국에서는 2016년에 공공외교법이 발효 되는 등 비교적 최근에 이르러서야 정부, 기관, 국민들이 참여하고 있으며, 한류 등 문화 분야에 집중되어 있는 현황이다. 이와 관련하여 해외 주요국과 한국의 과학기술 공공외교 현황을 비교해보고, 한국의 강점 및 발전 가능성, 평가 관리에 대해서 고찰해 보고자 한다. 적정기술과 과학기술을 공공외교의 틀에서 접근한다면 한국 및 현지의 각 참여자들이 유기적으로 협력을 도모할 수 있는 기회가 될 수 있을 것이다.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.69-96
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• 2022

How does a public health crisis play into the digital rhetoric of states? As Covid-19 is presenting a situation in which countries need to manage the international environment in a relatively short period, their practices could signal how digitization is going to influence public diplomacy in the longer run. This paper explores state public diplomacy in the context of a public health crisis. It develops a theoretical framework of public diplomacy on social media through how and what states communicated during the first year of the Covid-19 pandemic. Through keyword and hashtag analyses, we identify two patterns. First, states usually regard social media as an instrument for domestic communication rather than public diplomacy. The international impact of messaging has not been prioritized or well-recognized. Social media platforms such as Twitter have global outreach and messaging can be seen by audiences all over the world. Messages intended for the domestic audience could have an international impact. Thus, any communication on digital platforms should consider their public diplomacy outcomes. Second, while social media platforms are claimed to be for networking at different levels, states tend to connect with other states rather than with international organizations during the pandemic. States do not like to mention international organizations like the WHO and the UN on Twitter. Instead, they were either busy dealing with internal problems or cooperating with another state to combat the virus.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.154-161
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• 2022

The Korean government has recently invigorated the activities of public diplomacy. It is based on the Public Diplomacy Act enacted in 2016. However, there is a widespread concern that it was belatedly enacted and showed necessity to a revision. We believe that this paper contains three contributions which were not sufficiently addressed before. First, we identify the current state of public diplomacy-related legislation in Korea. Second, we argue the necessity to critically review the legal adequacy of Public Diplomacy Act with a consideration of rapidly changing external environment. Lastly, we propose several ways of revision for the future development of public diplomacy in Korea. When revising the Act, it is necessary to make clear a legal connection between the general law and the special law as in the case of the Korea Foundation Act and the Public Diplomacy Act. In this regard, it is worth examining the relationship between the Framework Act on International Development Cooperation and related norms. In addition, the role of the private sector and subnational governments should be expanded. For this purpose, a method and level of cooperation with the private sector should be clearly defined.

• Strategy21
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• 통권33호
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• pp.37-64
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• 2014

The year 2010 has been regarded as a year of China's assertive diplomacy. A series of China's behavior--including China's critical reaction to the U.S. for its sales of weapons to Taiwan, the Dalai Lama's visit to President Obama, China's arbitrary designation of 'core interests' over the South China Sea, China's inordinate reactions to the sinking of the Cheonan and Yeonpyeong bombardment, and China's activities in the Senkaku/Diaoyu island areas--has served as the witnesses to China's assertive diplomacy in 2010. The major causes of China's assertive diplomacy can be summed up by three factors: potential power transition from U.S. to China; emerging China's nationalism; and the recession of the Tao Guang Yang Hui as a diplomatic principle. But a majority of Western sinologists claim that China's assertive diplomacy is defensive in terms of its character. China's neighboring states, however, perceive its assertive diplomacy as diplomatic threat. Due to these states' geographical proximity and capability gaps with China, these neighbors experience difficulties in coping with China's behavior. In particular, China's coercive economic diplomacy, in which China tends to manipulate the neighbors' economic dependency on China for its diplomatic leverage, is a case in point for China's assertive diplomacy. China's assertiveness seems to be continued even after the inauguration of Xi Jinping government. Although the Xi government's diplomatic rhetorics in "New Type of Great Power Relationship" and the "Convention for Neighboring States Policy" sound friendly and cooperative, its subsequent behavior, like unilateral announcement of Chinese Air Defense Identification Zone (CADIZ), does not conform with its rhetoric. Overall, China's assertiveness has been consolidated as a fashion of its diplomacy, and it is likely to continue in its relations with neighbors. As a neighboring state, the ROK should approach to it with more balanced attitude. In addition, it needs to find out a new diplomatic leverage to deal with China in accordance with its security environment, in which China plays a growing role.