• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.131-158
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• 2009

20 years has passed since June democratization movement of 1987 that made the representative system worked democratically on the basis of free election politics. So far, democratic movement bloc has been elected to government power at least two times. Conservative bloc of old ruling forces made a peaceful re-turn-over and grasped the government power. It looks that electoral democracy has been working very well. But people's distrust in Korean politics is not decreasing. Recently, crisis of representation is discussed. Korean representative system faces the dual tasks. One originates from the delay of institutional reform, another from the change of political circumstances. This paper diagnose the Korean representative democracy of today, focusing on those dual tasks. Especially, it is proposed to reform the present Korean presidentialism of winner-takes-all power structure. It is also to resolve the problem of Korean parliamentary politics deeply depending on the presidency.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.2-12
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• 2017

Research on democratic transitions has relatively ignored the question of why some countries experience a regressive form of political pacts, while others do not. This paper develops a simple game-theoretic model to explain the phenomenon of collusive pacts in the process of democratization. Trasformismo is a term that refers to a system of political exchange based on informal clientelistic politics. The existing studies of the politics of trasformismo have emphasized the timing of industrialization and the tradition of strong state as conditions of the politics of trasformismo. However, not every late industrializers and not every strong states experienced some variants of collusive political pacts in their trajectories of democratization. In this paper, I contend that the politics of trasformismo is rather a generalizable pattern of political elites' behavior under particular circumstances. By developing a simple game theoretic model, this paper suggests the conditions under which political actors are likely to collude to a regressive form of political pacts. The model shows that the likelihood of collusion to a regressive form of political pacts is a function of a set of parameters. First, a higher level of incumbency advantage in electoral competition is likely to be associated with a higher probability of collusive political pacts. Second, a higher degree of the monopoly of political representation of political parties without a close link with a variety of societal forces is likely to induce collusive behavior among politicians. Third, the ruling party leader's expectations about the likelihood of a safe extrication are related to collusive political pacts. This paper then engages in a case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea. The 1990 Korean case is interesting in that the ruling party created a new party after having merged with two opposition parties. This case can be considered a result of political maneuver in a context of democratization. The case study suggests the empirical relevance of the game-theoretic model. As the game of trasformismo and the case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea have shown, the collusive political pact was neither determined by a certain stage of economic development nor by a particular cultural systems. Rather, it was a product of the art of trasformismo based on party leaders' rational calculations of the expected likelihood of taking governing power.

• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• v.5 no.4
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• pp.49-67
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• 2017

This article assesses the recent development of libraries in Myanmar and efforts to build the sector's capacity leading up to and after the first democratic elections held in the country in nearly 50 years, at the end of 2015. Cyclone Nargis in 2008 is viewed as a 'framing event' (Birkland, 1998) that led to national legal and policy reforms, an increase in national and international projects to support development of Myanmar libraries, and the strengthening of local actors including the Myanmar Library Association to coordinate and lead development activities. Although in need of modernisation, networking, and professional skills, the existence of a widespread number of all library types across the country provides an important foundation for further development. The current status and readiness of libraries is explored in the broader context of the rapid leap from limited to more widely available access to information and technology. The article finds that there is great potential for libraries in Myanmar to support the continued transition to democracy as evidenced by the role of libraries and access to information in other countries that have transitioned. Remaining challenges include the potential of backsliding on national reforms, and the need for significant investments in infrastructure and skills. Libraries must be transformed to meet the changing needs of information users in a young democracy.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.1-22
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to understand the features of private tutoring and its social and economic implications in Eastern European countries. In recent decades, academic attention to private tutoring increased as the expansion of private tutoring has been noticed globally including Europe, Africa and South America. Firstly, this study will investigate the nature and the scale of private tutoring in Eastern European countries which experienced transition to a democratic and market economy. Secondly, it will analyze the growth of private tutoring in the context of education market. Finally, it will consider some issues relating to intervening private tutoring in order to promote the equal opportunity of education in public education provision.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.305-330
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• 2018

The purpose of this article is to examine whether Myanmar's experience in which dealing with the most exemplary change among rogue states or pariah state in the 21st century is feasible for North Korea's case. Recently, North Korea's willingness to dialogue, reform and open is similar to the precedent in which the Myanmar military junta dismantled its ruling system and turned over transition period through general elections in 2010 and 2015 each. The so-called 'Myanmar Model' refers to a country branded as a rogue state which has been under the international sanctions and pressure, and opening its political system and the market by choosing transformation. However, rapid changes in speed across the entire society after opening up are impossible because the political elite is only the leading role and implementation in the transition. In case of Myanmar, military culture has penetrated into society due to such a long-lasting military dictatorship, and even democratic bloc has become accustomed to authoritarian decision-making process. Furthermore, the "reserved area" of the old regime still exists in a deformed political structure that can not retrieve the interests of the military. Therefore there could not be achieved political development in term of qualification. North Korea also appears unlikely to achieve political and economic assessment in a short period of time, as civil society has not appeared due to its long dictatorship and very low economic development levels. Like Myanmar, North Korea is also likely to control the pace and direction of upcoming reforms and open, as the dictator or most powerful person chose to reform and open up. Therefore, if North Korea moves toward the 'Myanmar Model', there will be high expectations of new changes in the short term, but it could be delayed or stalled in the mid and long term.

• Korean Institute of Interior Design Journal
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• v.26 no.6
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• pp.135-144
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• 2017

In addition to the well-known 'Frankfurt Kitchen', Austrian female architect Margarette $Sch{\ddot{u}}tte-Lihotzky^{\prime}s$ architectural achievements include a study on the housing for working class, contribution to the resident participation movement, the planning of multi-family housing complexes, rational floor plan design, and the design and study of interior spaces. The purpose of this study is to investigate how she, who played intermediate roles between an architect and a social reformer, reflected social issues and the demands of living on the housing plans in the Red Wien era and to discuss diverse issues of modern residential planning furthermore. In this study, first, the housing situation in Vienna immediately after World War I was grasped and the architectural and housing discourses at that time were examined. Thereafter, cases of $Sch{\ddot{u}}tte-Lihotzky^{\prime}s$ works were investigated and analyzed. In the period of transition to modern times, the concepts of residential planning of $Sch{\ddot{u}}tte-Lihotzky$, who began as a social democratic architect, often showed transitional tendencies in private and public functions of housing, spatial distribution for the daily life, and functions of modern family and home. However, thereafter, the paradigm of the rationalism-functionalism was already sprouting from her architectural and residential plans. In conclusion, it can be said that the works of $Sch{\ddot{u}}tte-Lihotzky$ has realized the social responsibility of residential planning and become a cornerstone of the later modern housing.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.333-361
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• 2016

The purpose of this study is to delve into reinterpretation and categorization of normative meaning of tradition. The normative meaning of tradition which plays a key role of the action-guiding power is the main source of morality. According to ecological cultural approach to diachronic transition of traditional value, traditional value leads its dynamic life: its origin, acculturation, transformation, distortion of traditional value depending upon periodic social change. It is necessary for traditional value to be reinterpreted and categorized, with a view to contributing to attribute & competency of democratic citizen in future society. The normative meaning of traditional value applicable for Korea's future society can be reinterpreted from its origin revealed in the classic. The order of discussion in this paper runs as follows. Firstly, we will investigate into dynamic change of the traditional value on the basis of the ecological cultural perspective and seek the possibility of modern reinterpretation of loyalty & filial piety as representative traditional value. Finally, we will treat the categorization and its significance of traditional value in the frame of Korean value including both western value and Korean traditional value.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.385-393
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• 2022

In the study of the mechanism of labor motivation as a determinant of economic security of the enterprise in competitive conditions, it was found that motivation is determinant in creating the conditions for production and ensuring the active functioning of the enterprise. It is substantiated that the motivational mechanism is the presence of a system of levers, incentives, measures and other elements for economic and administrative incentives for employees, which are used for incentives to work, increase productivity and safety, and more. The motivational mechanism plays an important role in ensuring the economic security of the enterprise and at the same time is a lever to increase competitiveness in the market. The functions of the mechanism of labor motivation are singled out, among which: explanatory-substantiating, regulative, communicative, socialization, regulating. The stages of occurrence of the motive for the employee are classified. The interrelation of motives and incentives in the mechanism of labor motivation as determinants of economic security of the enterprise in competitive conditions is proved. It is proved that the mechanism of labor motivation as a determinant of economic security of the enterprise in competitive conditions should be aimed at: assistance in forming and achieving goals and objectives of the enterprise and achieving balance and equilibrium of economic goals and social responsibility of the enterprise; ensuring close cooperation between management and employees of the enterprise; focus on building a flexible mechanism; transition to a democratic style of governance and involvement of employees in decision-making.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.333-370
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• 2011

This study views the aged inequalities according to the inequality hypothesis of the life course perspective in OECD 10 countries. Focusing on educational level which is early social status and welfare state regime which is social structure factors of inequality, this study analyzes income inequality for the aged who have transformed into old age period from non-aged period. The analysis is based on the data SHARE of Europe and HRS of USA. The main results of this study are summarized in four points. First, the income inequality is quite high by welfare system and the educational level. Second, the income inequality is somewhat reduced in case the people move from the period of non-aged to the period of aged. However, gini coefficient is still high(0.475). Considering welfare state regimes, although the income inequality is high in conservative regime of non-aged period, this would be higher in aged period. This result supports cumulative advantages/disadvantages hypothesis. The liberal regime remains high income inequality which supports the theoretical argument of status maintenance. Social democratic regime provides evidence to offer some support for the status leveling hypothesis. In there, income inequality is lower in aged period even though income inequality of non-aged period is low. Third, the cumulative advantages/disadvantages of disposable income according to educational level are strengthened and heterogeneity is grown in case people transition from the late period of non-aged to aged period. But public pension has been more equally distributed than gross income. Fourth, seeing welfare state regimes, public pension of aged-period is more inequally distributed than that of non-aged period in liberal and conservative regime. Specially in conservative regime, inequality of gross income is very high and public pension is also inequally distribute So this might show that the social security system strengthens the cumulative advantages/disadvantages. However, in the social democratic regime, public pension is more equally distributed than gross income and it could be much more equally distributed in aged period, which can support the status leveling hypothesis.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.6 no.4
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• pp.1-8
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• 2020

Existing studies have used a variety of terms related to North Korea's income guarantees, causing some confusion. It can be said that it is a problem that appears only when dealing with the contents of a specific statute in an existing study. To this end, we will look at the laws and regulations related to income security by period and analyze the contents of dictionaries that are also the explanations of the laws and the status of orders and rules. As a result of the analysis, living subsidies are classified into subsidies under the national social insurance system and pension and subsidy under the national social security system. Among them, the pension under the national social security system, which is an income security system for non-workers, includes old age pensions, labor capacity loss pension(general work ability loss pension, accidental work ability loss pension, honored soldiers' work ability loss pension), and survivor pension(general survivor pension, war deads' survivor pension, victims' survivor pension). In particular, it was confirmed that the terminology for social security pension, which has been confusing in previous studies, is a collective jargon for all pensions under the national social security system. This study is significant in that it synthesized the historical transition process of the terminology of income security from the 10th Platform for the National Liberation Society in 1936 to the Socialist Constitution of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in 2013.