• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.23 no.3
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• pp.217-256
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• 2013

This study addresses the issue of the continuity in Indonesia's party system with respect to Islam, authoritarian legacy and income, using the urban-based individual face-to-face survey data. The existing studies focus on the historical continuity of the Indonesian party system between the 1955 and 1999 democratic elections. Yet, this study deals with the continuity and discontinuity between the pre-transitional 1997 election and the transitional 1999 election. It finds that the effect of Islam is largely independent of the democratic transition: Islam-oriented voters under the authoritarian rule tend to remain in the Islamic camp even during and after the democratic transition, while most of the secular voters prior to the democratic transition continue to shun any Islamic parties during the democratization. The effect of authoritarian legacy is also found to be meaningful, even if not as sticky as Islam. Finally, the variable of income is significant. Contrary to the popular belief, the PDIP is not a party of the urban poor but the PPP is the urban poor's favorite choice. This implies the linkage between poverty and political Islam.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.57-78
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• 2015

Southeast Asia has been a showcase for democratic transitions in the past 30 years. This paper proposes a conceptual lens for studying political shifts in the Southeast Asian region. The argumentative storyline follows two fundamental propositions about democratic transitions. My first proposition is that during democratic transitions, human phenomena arise on nested analytical layers namely the global arena, the state, prodemocracy movements, and individuals. Each layer is conventionally studied by international relations, political science, sociology, and psychology respectively. I propose a multidisciplinary lens that transverses all these analytical layers. A second proposition is that during political shifts, social conditions are historically-situated. Historicity is anchored on stages of democratization, namely the authoritarian regime, toppling the regime, power shift, state building, and nation building. This paper describes a 4 × 5 matrix (analytical layer × historical stage) that may guide a regional agenda on the empirical study of democratic transitions in the Southeast Asian region. It likewise gives examples of research findings in Philippine-based studies that have already begun to provide empirical data about segments of this research matrix.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.147-182
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to examine the population changes in the nine Southeast Asian countries, including Cambodia, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Philippine, Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, Singapore, Vietnam, and Thailand. According to the demographic transition theory which described the transition from high birth and death rates to low birth and death rates, the demographic changes in less developed countries, including the Southeast Asian countries, follow the general pattern of the population changes that the Western countries had experienced. However, this theory does not consider the fact that the demographic behaviors such as fertility and mortality tend to be ethnocentric (or particular). Therefore, I examine in this paper both the generality and particularity of the population changes in the Southeast Asia . The analytic results are consistent with my assumptions. Every country in the Southeast Asia will soon reach the third phrase of the demographic transition and meet population ageing process. However, the timings arriving at the third phrase can differ. Singapore which is the most developed country had firstly passed through the demographic transition and the highest level of population ageing. Cambodia and Lao People's Democratic Republic, the least developed countries, will lastly arrive at the third phrase and the ageing society. In addition, among the three countries which had experienced war or civil war, only Cambodia had experienced babyboom.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.77-114
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• 2018

The purpose of this article is to verify whether recent political change in Thailand and the Philippines is temporarily shown "democratic recession" or "returning to authoritarianism". For the purpose this research establishes three propositions based on previous academic researches of political change. The is to verify characteristics of liberal democracy based on democratic procedures and institutions as well as civilian control over the military. The is to analyze the characteristics of authoritarianism such as the control over individual freedom and rights, concentration of power, and populist ruling behavior contrary to constitutionalism. The last one, , is to check either the coincidence or discrepancy between democratic institutions and popular understanding of democracy during democratic transitions. The finding through testing those propositions is that recent political change in two countries is more likely "returing to authoritarianism" rather than provisional "democratic recession". Implications of the finding has two aspects. One is that the only change in democratic procedures and institutions including the competition among political parties and peaceful change of governments are not enough to ensure a successful transition to liberal democracy. The other is that a half-democracy lacking the change of popular understanding and belief toward democracy as well as democratic practices cannot survive long enough. These are confirmed through this study on the cases of Thailand and the Philippines.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.173-218
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• 2009

Bring this analysis down to people-centered development perspective and looking through democratization in the Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia, we find similarities and differences among them related with the intensity of conflicts between development and human rights in the process of democratization in line with global transformation. Civil society in the Philippines criticized the developmental path in the Philippines which failed to implement land reform and eradication of poverty under the transition from 'patrimonial oligarchy' to democracy. In Thailand the coalition of military and the royalists had consolidated its power since Sarit military regime, which later paved the way 'hybrid oligarchy' era. Most Thai civil society organizations has regarded their developmental experience rather as 'maldevelopment' which disregarded economic and social rights. It has been especially believed by Thai localists that the stimulation of local markets and the building of autonomic community society will form the alternative economy without going against the conservative banner of nation, religion and king. Thaksin as a populist successfully took advantage of Thai localist ethos in favour of taking the seat of power. He projected himself as a modernizer focused on economic growth and cleaner politics. However Thaksin's procedural legitimacy was overthrown by counterattacking from military-royalist alliance, pretexting that Thaksin caused internal conflicts and lacked morality. Soeharto's New Order regime which can be called 'administrative oligarchy' had an antipathy towards notions of economic and social rights as well as civil and political rights. In spite of the fact that the fall of Soeharto opened the political space for democratic civil society organizations which had long struggled with development aggression and human rights abuses, there have been continuously a strong political and military reaction against human rights activists, NGOs and ethnic minorities such as Aceh and Papua. Nevertheless, Indonesian democracy is more promising than Philippine's and Thai democracy in terms of comparatively less pre-modern legacies.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.157-188
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• 2016

Since democratic transition in the early 1990s, constitutionalism is getting more important for democratic consolidation in Africa. Using Afribarometer data set, this paper explains influences on public confidence in judiciary. High levels of public trust in judiciary is a necessary condition for judicial system to work effectively in emerging democracy. Unlike existing studies focusing on the function of judiciary and legal procedures, this paper is interested in the relationship between how ordinary Africans perceive the attitudes of the chief executive toward judiciary, the rule of law, and judicial corruption and their confidence in judiciary. The results show that those who think that the chief executive is likely to respect the constitution and the judiciary, that the law applies to everyone equally, and that there are few corrupt judicial personnel are likely to show high levels of confidence in judiciary. This study argues that the tension between laws and politics have a significant influence on transitional justice in emerging democracy.

• Child Health Nursing Research
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.48-57
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• 2011

Purpose: The study was conducted to explore the parenting experience of mothers who have defected from North Korean. Methods: Nineteen mothers who defected from North Korean were recruited in Hanawon and data were collected through face-to-face interviews. Grounded theory methodology developed by Strauss and Corbin (1998) was adapted for theoretical sampling and analysis. Interviews were recorded with consent and transcribed verbatim. Results: The core category was discovered to be 'pursuing positive parenting'. Phenomenon was identified as 'acting out of frustration' and this series of processes was categorized as having four stages: 'harsh reality', 'moving forward', seeking transition', and 'internalization'. Conclusion: The results indicate that their parenting experiences were in a transition process and, thus, it is critical to develop positive parenting intervention programs as a way to promote the empowerment of these mothers in parenting to help them support themselves and their children.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.5-36
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• 2017

This paper aims to clarify the characteristics of 'the regime 87', the product of democratic transition of Korea in 1987, and its historical evolution. Through the clarification, this paper expects to provide a discoursive basis for reforming the regime 87 and advancing democracy in Korea. For this purpose, this paper seeks to find Korea within the context of macro-historical change of the world. And then this paper tries to analyze the reason and the process of the birth of the regime 87 and its historical evolution.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.47 no.4
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• pp.11-24
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• 2009

This study aims to analyze families and the kinship concepts in Korean laws based on meanings, boundaries, and functions. Korean culture is in the process of changing from traditional familism to democratic individualism, yet this is not a simple transition. In recent times, many people have come to look at family life from both traditional and individual perspectives, so their family values are inconsistent with each other. Therefore, this creates many family conflicts. As a result of this problem, I have analyzed families and the kinship concepts in Korean laws based on meanings, boundaries, and functions. Because laws regulate and reflect our everyday life, it is meaningful to review these laws. The results are as follow: First, the meaning of family in Korean laws is to respect other family members, and democratic family relationships. Second, the family boundaries are very different depending on the laws. The core boundary is the nuclear family, but in addition to the nuclear family, the parents of the wife and husband, the family of origin and the kin living together are included in the family member regulations. Third, the functions of the family are caring, education, rules for the living place, child discipline, supporting each other, guardianship for the family members, succession of family assets, and legal accusation rights. Kinship plays an important role in determining child guardianship, permission of a minor to marry, and authority over legal incompetency. Therefore, there are some contradictions between individualism and patriarchy in Korean laws, and these can have an influence on the conflicts between family members in the everyday life.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.64 no.3
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• pp.155-164
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• 2014

This paper discusses the social changes in the late 19th century that provided a historical background in the appearance of the ready-to-wear clothing in the West. It examines the social meanings of the appearance of the ready-to-wear clothing at the time and traces the origins of these social characteristics to the book published in the $16^{th}$ century by Thomas More, Utopia. The results of this study can be summarized as the following. First, the appearance and expansion of the ready-to-wear clothing coincided with the social transition from a class-based society to a democratic society in the west in the $19^{th}$ century. Second, uniforms were produced in the $18^{th}$ century Europe in order to distinguish different classes and ethnic groups, with the military uniforms being the most visible example. Frequent military campaigns in Europe resulted in the increasing demand and expansion of military uniforms, which later became the basis of the standardization of the men's clothing with uniforms. Third, the women's ready-to-wear clothing appeared later than their male counterpart and was made possible by the simplification of design, an important characteristic of women's wear in the later period. Fourth, the social characteristics of the ready-to-wear clothing can be traced to a democratic and egalitarian society without personal properties that was depicted in the book of Utopia by Thomas More. Fifth, one of the characteristics of the ready-to-wear clothing can be found in the description of Utopia, in which everyone in Utopia wears a clothing of the same form for life.