This experiment was conducted to investigate effects of application of diluted and undiluted cattle slurry with water on seasonal and annual dry matter yields and feed values of tall fescue in the uncultivated rice paddy and it was compared with chemical fertilizer in order to determine optimal application season and dilution level of cattle slurry. When diluted or undiluted cattle slurry with water was applied to uncultivated rice paddy, annual dry matter yields showed 11.31 to 14.81 ton DM/ha (average 13.13 ton DM/ha) for diluted and 10.57 to 12.51 ton DM/ha (average 11.50 ton DM/ha) for undiluted cattle slurries, these had a higher dry matter yield than those of no fertilizer (9.21 ton DM/ha). Furthermore, separate application of early spring and summer (SA plots), separate application of early and late spring, and summer (SUA plots) fur undiluted cattle slurries, and whole application of spring (DS plots), separate application of early spring and summer (DSA plots), separate application of early and late spring, and summer (DSUA plots) for diluted cattle slurries were significantly (P<0.05) higher for annual dry matter yield than no fertilizer plots. Plots applied chemical fertilizer with nitrogen (N), phorphorus (P) and potassium (K) had 15.38 ton DM/ha annually, resulted in significantly (P<0.05) higher DM yield than chemical fertilizer containing P and K, and no fertilizer plots. Moreover, average annual DM yield for the chemical fertilizer with P and K was lower than that of cattle slurry applications. The efinciency of DM production for mineral nitrogen of chemical fertilizers was annually average 31.3 kg DM/kg N. In terms of cutting time of tall fescue, it was lowered in the order of 2nd growth followed by 1st and 3rd growth. However, efficiencies of annual DM production of nitrogen for diluted and undiluted cattle slurries were 26.1 and 15.3 kg DM/kg N, respectively, especially, highest in 2nd growth. While, efficiencies of DM production for cattle slurry versus for mineral nitrogen were 48.9 (undiluted) and 83.4% (diluted), respectively. For annual crude protein (CP) contents of tall fescue, aqueous cattle slurry applications showed 9,9 to 11.6%, which were significantly (P<0.05) higher than no fertilization (9.5%) and chemical fertilizer (9.0 to 9.8%), but annual average NDF and ADF contents were lowest in no fertilization. On the contrary, relative feed value (RFV) and total digestible nutrients (TDN) of no fertilizer plots were significantly (P<0.05) higher than the other plots. The application of cattle slurry and their dilution significantly increased yields of crude protein and total digestible nutrients compared with no and/or P and K fertilizers (P<0.05). These trends were much conspicuous in water-diluted cattle slurries applied in the early and late spring and summer, separately (DSUA plots).
In order to prevent the water loss in the irrigation canal constructed on the sandy gravel layer or on the other highly permeable ground layer, lining has been practiced. Many studies have been done so far on the lining method to prevent the water loss in the irrigation canal and recently studies on the lining with plastic film or polyethylene film were also reported. However, the plastic film or polyethylene film has low strength and is liable to break, and water loss from pin hole caused by contacting with sand or gravel is highly predicted. This study was then conducted to find proper lining and buring method in canal construction of polypropylene mat after coated with vinyl, as one way to overcome the shortcoming frequently observed when plastic or usual polyehtylene film were used. Eventhough rather longer periods of experiments are needed to attain reliable and accurate results on the variation of durability, the durability of asphalt coated area, or on the damage due to freeze after burial or exposure of polypropylene mat, the experiemental results obtained during one year of period are summarized as follows: 1. The curvature at the area between canal bottom and side slope had increased stability and saved consruction cost. The relationship among the variation of curvature, the reduction of polypropylene mat and the reduced amount of soil cutting at each side slope was presented in Fig. 7 through 9. 2. The depth of covering material to protect polypropylene mat was desired to be over 30cm, considering the water depth, side slope, canal cleaning practices, traffic, or back pressure of irrigation period. 3. In order to increase the canal stability and to prevent slope erosion, sandy soil was required, to be placed under ground, and coarse gravel should cover the surface area of canal. 4. The studies on the stability of side slope in the canal should consider the passive area on the bottom and the slope should be about 1 to 2, considering the slope stability, allowable velocity and tractive force. 5. When compared with earth lining, the lining with polypropylene mat coated with vinyl was responsible to save 28% and 37% of canal lining cost, when the soil carrying distances were 500 and 700m. respectively. 6. The water interception was almost completely attained when the polypropylene mat coated with vinyl was used for lining. But further studies were assumed to be necessary for the use of asphalt since the strength of polypropylene mat connected with asphalt will vary with duration.
Experiments were conducted to study the effect of stage of maturity at harvest on the quality of silage. Herbage samples taken from the barley plant, rye plant, wheat plant, oat plant, Orchardgrass, Italian ryegrass, a mixed grass sward of Orchardgrass and Italian ryegrass and corn plant at different stages of maturity and ensiled in order to evaluate the effect of maturity on the chemical composition and feeding value as well as digestibility using sheep. Forage material were ensiled in small concrete silo. 1. The dry matter yield per 10a increased with advancing the maturity. Yield of brarley plant was 404, 635 and 900 kg at heading, milk and milk dough stage, respectively. Rye plant yield was 279, 589, 708, 10,000, 1,265, 1,376 and 1,492 kg at booting, before heading, early heading, late heading, early flowering, late flowering and after flowering stage, respectively. Italian ryegrass yield was 355, 613, 844 and 1,109 kg at vegetative, booting, heading and flowering, respectively. Orchardgrass/Italian ryegrass production was 477, 696, 891 and 1,027 kg at before was 458, 1,252, 1,534, 1,986 and 2,053 kg at tassel, early milk, yellow ripe and ripe stage, respectively. 2. Dry matter content increased with advancing maturity, but crude protein declined markedly. The NFE content decreased with advancing maturity of all the herbages except corn plant where NFE content increased, but corn plant increased. The content of crude fiber increased with advancing maturity except corn plant. The content of crude ash decreased with advancing maturity. In the rye plant, the content of neutral detergent fiber (NDF), acid detergent fiber (ADF) and cellulose increased with advancing maturity. 3. In vitro dry matter digestibilities of the rye plant was 53.6, 54.1, 50.7, 47.1, 44.9, 40.1 and 38.9% booting, before hcading, early heading, late heading, early flowering, late flowering and after flowering stage, respectively. The regression equation was
Pitch pine (Pinus rigida Miller) in Korea has become one of the major silvicultural species for many years since it was introduced from the United States of America in 1907. To attain the more rational wood utilization basical researches on wood properties are primarily needed, since large scale of timber production from Pitch Pine trees has now been accomplishing in the forested areast hroughout the country. Under the circumustances, this experiment was carried out to study the wood anatomical, physical and mechanical properties of Pitch Pine grown in the country. Materials used in this study had been prepared by cutting the selected pitch pine trees from the Seoul National University Forests located in Suwon. To obtain and compare the anatomical and physical properties of the different parts of tree such as stem, branch, top and rootwood, this study had been divided into two categories (anatomical and physical). For the anatomical study macroscopical and microscopical features such as annual ring, intercellular cannal, ray, tracheid, ray trachid, ray parenchyma cell and pit etc. were observed and measured by the different parts (stem, branch, root and topwood) of tree. For the physical and mechanical properties the moisture content of geen wood, wood specific gravity, shrinkage, compression parallel to the grain, tension parallel and perpendicular to the grain, radial and tangential shear, bending, cleavage and hardness wree tested. According to the results this study may be concluded as follows: 1. The most important comparable features in general properties of wood among the different parts of tree were distinctness and width of annual ring, transition from spring to summerwood, wood color, odor and grain etc. In microscopical features the sizes of structural elements of wood were comparable features among the parts of tree. Among their features, length, width and thickness of tracheids, resin ducts and ray structures were most important. 2. In microscopical features among the different parts of tree stem and topwood were shown simillar reults in tissues. However in rootwood compared with other parts on the tangential surface distinctly larger ray structures were observed and measured. The maximum size of unseriate ray was attained to 27 cell (
In this paper, a simple game-theoretic entry deterrence model is developed that integrates both limit pricing and predatory pricing. While there have been extensive studies which have dealt with predation and limit pricing separately, no study so far has analyzed these closely related practices in a unified framework. Treating each practice as if it were an independent phenomenon is, of course, an analytical necessity to abstract from complex realities. However, welfare analysis based on such a model may give misleading policy implications. By analyzing limit and predatory pricing within a single framework, this paper attempts to shed some light on the effects of interactions between these two frequently cited tactics of entry deterrence. Another distinctive feature of the paper is that limit and predatory pricing emerge, in equilibrium, as rational, profit maximizing strategies in the model. Until recently, the only conclusion from formal analyses of predatory pricing was that predation is unlikely to take place if every economic agent is assumed to be rational. This conclusion rests upon the argument that predation is costly; that is, it inflicts more losses upon the predator than upon the rival producer, and, therefore, is unlikely to succeed in driving out the rival, who understands that the price cutting, if it ever takes place, must be temporary. Recently several attempts have been made to overcome this modelling difficulty by Kreps and Wilson, Milgram and Roberts, Benoit, Fudenberg and Tirole, and Roberts. With the exception of Roberts, however, these studies, though successful in preserving the rationality of players, still share one serious weakness in that they resort to ad hoc, external constraints in order to generate profit maximizing predation. The present paper uses a highly stylized model of Cournot duopoly and derives the equilibrium predatory strategy without invoking external constraints except the assumption of asymmetrically distributed information. The underlying intuition behind the model can be summarized as follows. Imagine a firm that is considering entry into a monopolist's market but is uncertain about the incumbent firm's cost structure. If the monopolist has low cost, the rival would rather not enter because it would be difficult to compete with an efficient, low-cost firm. If the monopolist has high costs, however, the rival will definitely enter the market because it can make positive profits. In this situation, if the incumbent firm unwittingly produces its monopoly output, the entrant can infer the nature of the monopolist's cost by observing the monopolist's price. Knowing this, the high cost monopolist increases its output level up to what would have been produced by a low cost firm in an effort to conceal its cost condition. This constitutes limit pricing. The same logic applies when there is a rival competitor in the market. Producing a high cost duopoly output is self-revealing and thus to be avoided. Therefore, the firm chooses to produce the low cost duopoly output, consequently inflicting losses to the entrant or rival producer, thus acting in a predatory manner. The policy implications of the analysis are rather mixed. Contrary to the widely accepted hypothesis that predation is, at best, a negative sum game, and thus, a strategy that is unlikely to be played from the outset, this paper concludes that predation can be real occurence by showing that it can arise as an effective profit maximizing strategy. This conclusion alone may imply that the government can play a role in increasing the consumer welfare, say, by banning predation or limit pricing. However, the problem is that it is rather difficult to ascribe any welfare losses to these kinds of entry deterring practices. This difficulty arises from the fact that if the same practices have been adopted by a low cost firm, they could not be called entry-deterring. Moreover, the high cost incumbent in the model is doing exactly what the low cost firm would have done to keep the market to itself. All in all, this paper suggests that a government injunction of limit and predatory pricing should be applied with great care, evaluating each case on its own basis. Hasty generalization may work to the detriment, rather than the enhancement of consumer welfare.
The result of a study on the useful trend of plants related to landscape and how to plant and cultivate through 'ImwonGyeongjaeji Manhakji'of Seoyugu is as follows: First, 'ImwonGyeongjaiji Manhakji', composed of total 5 volumes (General, Fruit trees, vegetables and creeper, plants, others) is a representative literature related to landscape which described the names of plants and varieties, soil condition, how to plant and cultivate, graft, how to prevent the insect attack etc systematically. Second, he recorded the tree planting as Jongjae(種栽) or Jaesik(栽植), and the period to plant the trees as Jaesusihoo(栽樹時候), transplanting as Yijae(移栽), making the fence as Jakwonri(作園籬), the names of varietieis as Myeongpoom(名品), the suitable soil as Toeui(土宜), planting and cultivation as Jongye(種藝), treatment as Euichi(醫治), protection and breeding as Hoyang(護養), garden as Jeongwon(庭園) or Wonpo(園圃), garden manager as Poja(圃者) or Wonjeong(園丁). Third, the appearance frequency of plants was analyzed in the order of flowers, fruits, trees, and creepers and it showed that the gravity of deciduous trees was 3.7 times higher than that of evergreen trees. The preference of flower and trees, fruit trees and deciduous trees and broad-leaved trees includes (1) application of the species of naturally growing trees which are harmonized with the natural environment (2) Aesthetic value which enables to enjoy the beauty of season, (3) the trend of public welfare to take the flowers and fruits, (4) the use of symbolic elements based on the value reference of Neo-Confucianism etc. Fourth, he suggested the optimal planting period as January(上時) and emphasized to transplant by adding lots of fertile soil and cover up the seeds with soil as high as they are buried in accordance with the growing direction and protect them with a support. That is, considering the fact that he described the optimal planting period as January by lunar calendar, this suggests the hints in judging the planting period today. For planting the seeds, he recommended the depth with 1 chi(寸 : approx. 3.3cm), and for planting a cutting, he recommended to plant the finger-thick branch with depth 5 chi(approx. 16.5cm) between January and February. In case of graft of fruit trees, he described that if used the branch stretched to the south, you would get a lot of fruit and if cut the branches in January, the fruits would be appetizing and bigger. Fifth, the hedge(fence tree) is made by seeding the Jujube tree(Zizyphus jujuba var. inermis) in autumn densely and transplanting the jujube tree with 1 ja(尺 : approx. 30cm) interval in a row in next autumn and then binding them with the height of 7 ja(approx. 210cm) in the spring of next year. If planted by mixing a Elm tree(Ulmus davidiana var. japonica) and a Willow(Salix koreensis), the hedge whose branch and leaves are unique and beautiful like a grating can be made. For the hedge(fence tree), he recommended Trifoliolate orange(Poncitus trifoliata), Rose of sharon(Hibiscus syriacus), Willow(Salix koreensis), Spindle tree(Euonymus japonica), Cherry tree(Prunus tomentosa), Acanthopanax tree(Acanthopanax sessiliflorus), Japanese apricot tree(Prunus mume), Chinese wolf berry(Lycium chinense), Cornelian tree(Cornus officinalis), Gardenia(Gardenia jasminoides for. Grandiflora), Mulberry(Morus alba), Wild rosebush(Rosa multiflora) etc.
This study was to investigate the drying mechanism of stratified soil by investigating 'effects of the upper soil on moisture loss of the lower soil and vice versa' and at the same time by examining how the drying progressed in the stratified soils with bare surface and with vegetated surface respectively. There were six plots of the stratified soils with bare surface(
Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.