• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
• /
• no.37
• /
• pp.47-73
• /
• 2018

This thesis aims to find out the purpose of recording . I tried to understand the reason that the compiler of included this song in the record of King Yuri. The result of tracking the intention of the compiler in this thesis is as follows. I think that was chosen as a symbol of King Yuri's character, especially connected with his inner side. By introducing a hobby that contained the inner side of King Yuri, the compiler implied that his failures and mistakes in subsequent governments stem from human limitations that did not adequately refine his qualities. I think that the compiler who showed the character of King Yuri through only one short song also showed the highest level of enjoying poetry. The enjoyment of literature is a pleasure in understanding the life of someone through literature and bring it back into their lives. In this respect, by pursuing the intend of the compiler, we will be close to the value of the song, .

• Sijohaknonchong
• /
• v.42
• /
• pp.151-185
• /
• 2015

The purpose of this study is to reveal the aspects of "Children" in Saseolsijo and its historical implication in Korean Classical Poetry. What was discussed can be summarized as follows: There are two types of children in Saseolsijo, one is silent, and the other is speaking. The silent child characteristics are such as being called and addressed by the poetic narrator, customary audience, passive attitude, etc. The speaking child characteristics are speaking subject, active attitude as sign of modernity. These phenomenon simply expose the differences of aesthetic order. The silent children is mainly to be utilized as a device to maximize the lyricism of the text as an ideologically product by the inner request of the poetic narrator and show identification discourse. The speaking child, gives the dynamics in text by heterogeneous discourse and informs aesthetic distance between "the reader and the text" as well and show distance discourse. These fragments from Saseolsijo's children are also found in previous genres. In the case of Hyangga, 'children' speak for solving others' desire but are targeted by poetic narrator as well. In the case of Goryosokyo, 'children' show activity and efforts to break forced silence by the poetic narrator through voluntary speaking. In Sijo's case, unlike other genres, some literary works show contents about disciplining children and the growth of children. However mostly targeted children by the poetic narrator are predominantly appeared from the discourse perspective. These aspects of children in previous genres including some of works in Saseolsijo are mainly associated with the appearance of medieval children. Unlike these, the new aspects of Saseolsijo's children show the cross-section of the signs of transition contemporary, from medieval to modern. Even if there are few literary works in these, speaking children with activity reveals novelty over medieval-imposed 'child-ness' by showing 'self', 'individual desire' strongly. This novelty is far from infants of the modern concept as naive and innocent children but these children are noted in that they show a part of modernity through various voices in the text, the comic(laughter), multiple point views, etc.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.70
• /
• pp.211-255
• /
• 2018

A classical lyrics novel 'Jeobuin-jeon' is basically old Korean novel in aspect of contents even though it has lyrics for a song formally. In other words, it shows classic poetry but also expends its genre to novel 'Jeobuin-jeon' which belongs to Jae-yeon Park's selection, presents 'Analects' at a book cover and writes its title inside. In addition, it rewrites the story of 'Jeobuin-jeon' at the beginning that means it is novel. It is considered there might be an unclear reason why it could not be marked as an novel outside. 'Jeobuin-jeon' of Jae-yeon Park's selection helps readers grasp the novel by adding Chinese characters for additional explanation based on Korean characters depending on cases. Used words in this novel is estimated being written from the late $19^{th}$ century to the beginning of the $20^{th}$ century. 'Jeobuin-jeon' is assumed being written by woman as it emphasizes that woman should learn letters and take care of the relationship among parents-in-law, husband, sibling, servant and daughter-law. Besides, this novel intends to punish bad characters through 'Jeobuin's good manners by including afterlife-story with 'Bulddong-Aemi'. 'Jeobuin-jeon''s narration is 7 steps and it reaches the peak when 'Bulddong-Aemi' and 'Jeobuin' changes their life each other. Afterward, 'Jeobuin' meets her parents-in-law and passes the crisis. The story ends through 'Bulddong-Aemi' is punished. It is very creative by developing the story with looking back the past would make a change in narration.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
• /
• v.98
• /
• pp.176-199
• /
• 2020

In 2018, the National Museum of Korea purchased a pair of Japanese folding screens, respectively entitled Gathering on the Year's First "Day of the Rat" and Boating on the Oi River. Both of these two screens (hereinafter collectively referred to as the "NMK edition") have a gold background that bears the seal and ink inscription of Tosa Mitsuyoshi (1700-1772), who served as edokoro azukari, a painter in the court of Kyoto. According to the seller in New York, the screens were brought from Japan to the United States in the early twentieth century, but no other details are known. Each folding screen has six panels. The screen on the right (i.e., Gathering…) depicts "nenohi no asobi," an annual event conducted on the first "day of the rat" (according to the Asian zodiacal calendar), wherein the Kyoto imperial court ventured to the woods to gather pine seedlings. The left screen (i.e., Boating…) shows three boats traveling down the Oi River in Kyoto, representing the ritual known as "mifune" (literally, "three boats"), which involves three boats representing Chinese classical poetry (kansi), Japanese classical poetry (waka), and Japanese imperial music and dance (gagaku). Notably, these two screens are identical in theme and iconography to two screens with the same respective titles that were commissioned by Emperor Komei (1831-1867) and painted by Ukita Ikkei (1795-1859), an artist of the Yamato-e Revivalist School (fukko yamato-e), now in the collection of Sennyu-ji Temple in Kyoto (hereinafter collectively referred to as the "Sennyu edition"). While both of these themes have been painted independently numerous times, the NMK edition and Sennyu edition are the only known cases of the themes being painted as a single set. According to Diary of Official Business Between the Court and Shogunate (the journal of a court official named Hirohashi Kanetane, 1715-1781), Tosa Mitsuyoshi was commissioned in 1760 to replace the fusuma (rectangular sliding panels) of Tsunegoten, one of the buildings of the Kyoto Imperial Palace, which had been built in 1709. Notably, records show that Tsunegoten once contained a series of fusuma painted by an artist of the Kano school on the themes "Outdoor Procession on a Spring Day" and "Three Boats Cruising on the Oi River." Hence, it seems probable that Tosa Mitsuyoshi was influenced by the theme and iconography of the existing fusuma in producing his own folding screens depicting the court's visit to the forest and a cruise on the Oi River. While the practice of collecting pine seedlings on the first "rat day" of the year was an auspicious event to pray for longevity, the mifune ritual was intended to honor the greatest talents of the three aforementioned arts, which were of crucial importance to the court of Kyoto. Folding screens with such auspicious themes were commonly featured at the ceremony to enthrone the emperor or empress. Significantly, the Diary of Official Business Between the Court and Shogunate also records that Tosa Mitsuyoshi, while working as a court artist, produced two pairs of folding screens for the coronation of Empress Go Sakuramachi (1762-1771), which was held in 1763. Hence, research suggests that the NMK edition is one of the pairs of royal folding screens produced at that time.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.36 no.2
• /
• pp.11-20
• /
• 2018

This study is to review about Yeongpyeong(永平), Baengnoju(白鷺洲)'s status and meaning landscape from literature and carved letter by literature reviews and a field survey. Baengnoju is named from mounting Geumneung(金陵) Bonghwangdae(鳳凰臺) poetry written by I, Baek(李白). There were many 'Baengnojus' all over the country but Yeongpyeong Baengnoju was the most famous beauty spot in Joseon dynasty. We identified many documentations about carved letter in the rock by literature reviews. So We guessed Baengnoju's past landscape and discovered undiscovered carved letters in the rock. Baengnoju became a famous place by Yang, Man-go(楊萬古)'s villa and I, Myeong-Han(李明漢)'s poetry. After this, it had received attention because it had a fine view and a good place to live. We thought that Baengnoju's documentations about carved letter in the rock was the most important, because carved letter in the rock is the fundamental factor to explore a noted wiseman' trace. Especially, documentations about carved letter in the rock was concentrated with Seoin(西人)'s literature. It is the important materials to identify carved letter in the rock. We studied about Baengnoju's carved letter in the rock by literature reviews and a field survey. First of all, it was identified as Jo, Sang-Wu(趙相愚) who wrote "Baengnoju" letter. We also discovered two undiscovered letters in Baengnoju letter's left side. There were Yu, Gi-Il(柳基一)'s carved letter in the rock in the other side. It was many carved letters in the rock in Baengnoju, but we knew so many differences comparing with literature. So, we need to establish plans to preserve. On this occasion, we wish that many people will be pay more attention to Baengnoju.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.33 no.3
• /
• pp.84-94
• /
• 2015

This study is to examine how the admiration for Chutzu(朱子)'s achievement while he was preaching his policies after renouncing the world in Wuyi-Gugok(武夷九曲), Mt. Wuyi and Joseon-style transformation culture were unfolded and developed through Gugok management cases such as position, name, poetic diction, Jungsa(精舍) architecture and engraving of Muyi-Gugok set in Mt. Gugok, Snacheong. The results were as follows: Myungam(明庵) Jeong Sik(鄭拭, 1683~1746)'s Muyi-Gugok, which consists of Suhongkyo(垂虹橋, gok 1) - Oknyeobong(玉女峰) - Nhongwhaldam(弄月潭) - Nacwhadam(落花潭) - Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) - Gwangpyungryea(光風瀨) - Jaewhaldae(霽月臺) - Gorooam(鼓樓巖) - Wharyongpok(臥龍瀑, gok 9) is the representative case where Chutzu's Wuyi-Gugok was exactly copied and fulfilled to the Joseon Dynasty. In a large frame, Gugok Wonlim culture, Myungam's Muyi-Gugok management has a will of succession of Dotong(道統) through admiration for Chutzu in a rigid way. Another name of Mt. Gugok is Mt. Muyi and Gugok's name is Muyi-Gugok and the residence existed between gok 4 and gok 5. In addition, the name of Jeongsa for Gugok management is also 'Muyi Jeongsa(武夷精舍)' and Gugok name and contents of Poetry are also similar and all of these are clear evidence that Myungam tries to copy Chutzu's Wuyi-Gugok to Mt. Gugok. Also, Gugok set before Myungam were located in Mt. Gugok and among them, verified four Gugok names are corresponded to those of Chutzu's Wuyi-Gugok and it tells that conforming behavior as one of admiration ways for Chutzu already arrived at Mt. Gugok before Myungam and this was an oppotunty to widen Mt. Gugok Muyi-Gugok's tradition and horizon. Also, considering that Myungam's gok 6, Gwangpyungryea and gok 7, Jewoldae are names from 'Gwangpungjewol(光風霽月)' Based on Chutzu's poem and they are closely related to Joseon's classical scholar spirit, they are associated with Joseon-style transformation of Chutzu's Muyi-Gugok. Meanwhile, gok 5 'Daeeunbyeong' was transformed to 'Nangaam(爛柯巖)' in gok 5 - "Deoksan-Gugok(德山九曲) of Jooko(竹塢) Ha Beom-Woon(河範運, 1792~1858) and those characters's engravings are handed down. In "Pome of Deoksan Gugok" transformed from Myungam's Muyi-Gugok, respect and admiration for Chutzu is weaken while Ha Beom-Woon admires Nammyeong(南冥) Cho shik(曺植, 1501~1572), a symbolic character of himself's school and from this, a movement to promote partisan unity is identified. After Myungam died, Muyi-Gugok in Mt. Gugok was transformed from a space to succeed Chutzu's Dotonga to one to commemorate the memory of ancient sages, but, it is a typicality case that widen the spectrum of Joseon's Gugok-Wonlim culture through Muyi-Gugok's imitation and transformation.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.38
• /
• pp.143-191
• /
• 2019

This research argues that Pansori had patrons in its development. Patrons are commonly discussed aspect of history of any art form. Pansori is no exception. While Pansori originally began as the art of the common people, Yangban class became the primary audience. This paper examines the role of royal family of Choson dynasty in development of Pansori. Heungseon Daewongun (흥선대원군) in particular was a Pansori aficionado. The record around Daewongun's involvement to Pansori proves that heavy monetary investment was made. He hosted Pansori competitions and sponsored creation of Pansori tradition, Boseong Sori (보성소리) and Gangsanje (강산제). Also the aspect of Pansori patronage lies not just in Yangban class, but also in Jung'in class, which is roughly analoguous to European bourgeois in that they were not of Yangban class, but had gained monetary status, and had aesthetics of both Yangban and commoner class. I argue that Heungseon Daewongun's ties to the Jung'in class is reflected in his actions towards Pansori artists. The traditions he had sponsored have important characteristics, including sophisticated lyrics heavily utilizing Classical Chinese poetry, highly artistic musical composition, and conservative Confucian ethics. Those characteristics indicate that the Pansori traditions sponsored by the royal patrons have changed to cater to their artistic taste and philosophy. This paper conducts a textual comparative analysis between Gangsanje Pansori Jeokbyeokga (강산제 판소리 적벽가), Dongpyeonje's Pansori Jeokbyeokga (동편제 판소리 적벽가), and Seopyeonje Pansori Jeokbyeokga, who share the same plot yet offers a stark differences in tone, philosophy, and sense of humor. Daewongun was a primary sponsor of Pansori, which proves that Yangban class and the royal family have played important role as patrons of Pansori.