• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• 제55호
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• pp.223-264
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• 2014

Yeoncheon Hong Seok-joo(淵泉 洪奭周: 1774-1842) faithfully followed a policy of restoration of literary style of king Jeongjo. He was an young vassal after 1794 and influenced by Jeongjo because Yeoncheon was around the king. Furthermore, he had comparatively favorable working period as a vassal(仕宦期, 1795-1836) after death of Jeongjo(1800) while establishing his own academic viewpoint. Therefore, a study about art theory of Yeoncheon Hong Seok-joo is one about logical system to accept various desires for change of then while not getting rid of scope of Neo-Confucianism after Jeongjo. It is catched that exchange of Hong Seok-joo and Jeong Yak-yong was made relating to study of Sangseo. Hong Seok-joo and Jeong Yak-yong absorbed in study of Sangseo, which is come from putting importance on 6 scriptures (經) among studies of scriptures by both of them. Through this, they aimed to re-discover ideology of original Confucian studies as one for cultivating oneself and governing people (修己治人之學). Dasan and Yeoncheon have something in common that they were young vassals who were cultivated as a guarding power for Jeongjo centered on Gyujanggak. They were largely fit to view of literature(文體觀) of Jeongjo. Hong Seok-joo distinguished function of prose(文) and poetry(詩) into teaching moral(明敎) and moving people(感人) in the category of Mun-yi-jae-do(文以載道) based on thoughts of 'literature is linguistic device for Taoism '(道本文末)' which is a core concept of literature theory based on Neo-Confucianism. He gave a careful attention on instructional and social function in prose while on emotional understanding that puts importance on temper and the secrets of nature in poetry. Hong Seok-joo regarded moral impression and edification through this as a core of artistic creation based on Segyoseol(世敎說). Furthermore, expressions such as 'Heunggwangunwon(興觀群怨)' or 'Yeohangguyo(閭巷謳謠) which are mentioned as important elements in his artistic works put importance on actual existence of objective things in artistic activity and this is connected to an attitude to require description fit to fact. So, it is assumed that such expression style aimed for features of genre painting in painting arts. Understanding of the study of ancient documents by Yeoncheon developed from critical perspective. He criticized the study of ancient documents, saying it as first, Pasoijisul(破碎之術), second, Dotaekjisul(塗澤之術), third, Hoimojisul(毁侮之術). Jeong Yak-yong criticized ' theory on the Odes' from viewpoint of theory of Mun-yi-jae-do(文以載道) based on Neo-Confucianism. He stressed political and social function of Sipeon and general poetry in "the Odes" and reinterprets discourses about poetry of Zhu Xi based on his own opinion. He says that poems of national fashion do political and social criticism. The theory of national fashion by Jeong Yak-yong clearly discloses his thoughts that stress practical role of noblemen in the social and political context.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• 제33호
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• pp.31-56
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• 2008

Jang Hyeon-gwang(張顯光, 1554-1637), whose pseudonym or courtesy name is 'Yeoheon(旅軒)', had made a thorough study on the intrinsic nature of Neo-Confucianism in a more sincere fashion, when comparing him with other Neo-Confucianists in Joseon period. Also he was a renowned scholar who expanded its philosophical system in-depth. Yeoheon thereby had strengthened his philosophical system accordant with the Great Learning(大學) and Doctrine of the Mean(中庸), which are the fundamental systems of Neo-Confucianistic education. Based on such considerations, Yeoheon's thought on education can be illuminated from three different perspectives. First, Yeoheon deepened his a theory of good governance by a virtuous ruler(聖人君主論, pronounced, 'Seongingunjuron') as the standard of education. Essentially, his theory pursues Refraining from desire, and preserving the laws of nature(存天理?人欲, pronounced, 'Joncheolliarinnyok'), and put emphasis on ethical awakening, and the governance through a virtue of moral excellence. Second, Yeoheon stressed the learning theories related to 'sincerity' or true heart(誠) and 'piety' or 'respect'(敬)) as the form of education(誠敬, pronounced, 'Seonggyeong'). Also he expounded that people needs "to establish a ground of Respect and Sincerity in their mind." He recognized the differences between the two virtues, meanwhile, however, he understood it as in an identical context. Third, Yeoheon advocated harmony between separation and integration(分合, pronounced, 'Bunhap') as a method for education. Through his unique 'Discourse on Longitude and Latitude', dubbed, 'Li-Gi Gyeongwiseol (理氣經緯說) in which the principle(Li, 理) is equal to the intrinsic energy or material force(Gi, 氣), he maintained his view on the Doctrine of the Mean, in that he was not inclined to either sides according to the logic of Change(易, pronounced 'Yeok'). When reviewing Yeoheon's contemplation in education in the meaning of modern education, he laid the standards for education on the establishment of morality, and he also provides us with an idea which induces us to look through the form and method for education from the perspective of Doctrine of the Mean. In short, Yeoheon's view on education embodies wisdom of traditional Neo-Confucianistic Education having consistency, and it provides for an implication of the review of the importance of the balance in relation to methodological bias toward confusion in the standards for modern education, and unsystematic contents therein.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• 제73호
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• pp.65-89
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• 2018

This paper was triggered by the idea that the culture of ancestral rites and the patrilocality, which entail the excessive sacrifice on the part of the wife, that eventually led to the coinage of the expression, "housewives' holiday stress," is perhaps not the age-old traditions it claim to be, but rather a recent phenomenon. The purpose of this paper is to reveal that the loss of housewife's authority is the product of "becoming yangban (aristocrats)," which was a culture that was in fashion in the late Joseon dynasty. Until the late Joseon dynasty, women, in particular, the married women maintained an autonomous life which allowed them the authority to an extent, based on their properties that they brought from and the ties that they maintained with their original family and. However, such authority of the housewives disappeared since the invasion of Joseon by Japan and Qing in the year of Imjin (1592) and Byeongja (1636), respectively, as the daughters were excluded from receiving inheritance in a desperate attempt to maintain the impoverished family after the wars. However, patriarchy based on neo-Confucian custom and convention of patriarchal clan system could not spread to the entire population immediately after the wars, as it was impossible to include everyone in the aristocratic class (yangban). It was due to the increase of aristocrats within the continued social changes that occurred after the wars that the neo-Confucian patriarchy became the norm and ethical standard in Joseon society. Also, the theory of propriety in neo-Confucianism that everyone from the emperor down to commoners must abide by the patriarchal clan system was realized through Zhuzi jiali, i.e. Master Zhu's Family Rituals, which institutionalized the system of family rites by setting up ancestral shrines in every household. For the aristocrats who lost their financial footing, the only basis they could rely on to prove their aristocratic lineage is the strict compliance with the rituals. Also, for the once commoners who turned into aristocrats one day had to emphasize the formal propriety in order to distinguish themselves from the commoners. Hence, the culture of "becoming yangban" in the nineteenth-century Joseon was what solidified the patriarchal rituals, decorum, and clan system. As a result, women have become subordinated to the husband's families, which forced the women, i.e. the housewives to serve them and sacrifice themselves for them. At times, women self-imposed such restraints on them as they led themselves into believing that it was necessary to maintain the family for their sons.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• 제33호
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• pp.359-384
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• 2008

Making Daxue("大學") which was originally the 43rd chapter of Liji("禮記") independent, Zhuzi(朱子) had reedited it into Daxuezhangju("大學章句") and in this process, he had added 134 letters thereto. Those 134 letters that added were concerned with gewuzhizhi(格物致知) and Zhuzi(朱子)'s such interpretation had made a great deal of contribution to the later interpretations of Daxue("大學") conducted by those scholars who followed him in a later age. Zhuzi(朱子) had interpreted gewu(格物) as to make a exhaustive study on principles of things or noumena that exist between heaven and earth. If gewu(格物) taking it for granted, denotes thorough investigation of the principles of things, it is considered that qiongli(窮理) is a more appropriate expression. Meanwhile, however, Zhuzi(朱子) argues that the reason for dubbing it gewu(格物), not calling it qiongli(窮理), is to see a thing as it is in itself. This is to emphasize that investigation of things and extension of knowledge gewuzhizhi(格物致知) is shixue(實學), not a xuxue(虛學). Zhizhi(致知) is a step through which my knowledge is being culminating in the most comprehensive and profound fashion. Specifically, Zhizhi(致知) is the phase to seek zhenzhi(眞知) having put together all knowledge gained through gewu(格物). In this true understanding, there is no room for one's own free will to intervene; zhenzhi(眞知) becomes the same as universal knowledge. The things accumulated in quantity through gewuzhizhi(格物致知) are to be changed by means of huoranguantong(豁然貫通). If we put gewuzhizhi(格物致知) as the quests of basic and general subjects, meanwhile, huoranguantong(豁然貫通) corresponds to more profound and sophisticated learning. Huoranguantong(豁然貫通) is a phase in which my principle and the universal principle become unified, and so, this is the phase where the standards in my mind will attain universality. That is to say, this means that the standards in my mind and the universal standards grow into one. Then, what is the ultimate purpose of gewuzhizhi(格物致知)? The ultimate purpose of gewuzhizhi(格物致知) is to reach zhishan(至善). If gewuzhizhi(格物致知) seeks zhishan(至善), those universal standards in my mind that attained through huoranguantong(豁然貫通) shall also be the criteria of that zhishan(至善). Viewing it from this perspective, it can be said that Zhuzi(朱子)'s gewuzhizhi(格物致知) contains both epistemological and logical aspect.