• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.41
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• pp.443-475
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• 2015

The subjects of analysis in this paper, the clan name roots "Baj," "Kim," and "Shama/Sama," while distributed commonly among the Altai, Ye i, and isolated language groups, are most widely distributed among the Evenki. The clan name root "Baj-" is widely distributed among indigenous Siberian nations, but is most frequently found among the Manchu-Tungus, especially the Evenki. Therefore, it appears that clans with this root originated from Pribajkal'e, known to be the origin of the Evenki, and spread widely among the nearby Buryats, Mongols, and Yakuts, later spread east to the Nivhi of the Amur River, to the Enisej Protoasiatic language nations such as the Yukaghir or Ket to the north, and the Samoyed language group nations such as the Ne and Selkup. According to the analysis results in this paper, the Evenki clan name "Kim" has the meaning of "person," but also is somewhat associated with gold, metal, or stone. On one hand, while the origin of the clan name "Kim" cannot be clearly established, the clan was assimilated into the Evenki near in ancient times, after which the clan name became widely known among the Manchu-Tungus nations, and furthermore in the Turk nations. The clan name Shama/sama is widely spread across Siberia, including the Manchu-Tungus language group nations of the Altai language family, the Turk language family, and the Samoyed language groups of the Ural language family. Moreover, this clan name is not associated with famous mythic ancestors or heroes of historically famous Asian nations, and it cannot be translated into contemporary language; thus the identification of the meaning and origins of this word is by no means an easy task.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.2
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• pp.64-81
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• 2015

The Treasure No.165 of Ojukhen is a separate house(別堂) which was still remained as a gentry house in the earliest day. The formative aspects have the important meaning as the history of Korean architecture. Specially the place is famous for Shin, Saim-dang(申師任堂) gave birth to Yulgok(栗谷) Yi, I(李珥). The house was built by one's family of Gangneung Choi clan(江陵崔氏) but Son-in-law inherited the house because there was the practice of inheritance by equal distribution and the mother of Shin, Saim-dang, Yongin Lee clan(龍仁李氏) inherited Gwon, Cheo-kyun(權處均) who was her hrandson under the condition of looking after the tomb. The reason why house name was Ojukhen is that Gwon, Cheo-kyun's another name is Ojukhen. Ojukhen is cultural properties which showed the change of practicing inheritance and ancestral rites. Ojukhen has the special relationship of one's grandson and did not have such of immediate family. This is because there were customs husband had to go to married woman's house and live there during short time. Yongin Lee clan and Shin, Saimdang has lived in the Ojukhen. Yongin Lee clan lived there after marrying. Shin Saimdang also spent a time of living her house after marrying and his son(Yi, I) was born in the place. Yi, I spent their time under Yongin Lee clan and one's mother's parents. Therefore he had a good relationship with his maternal grandmother. This is why his maternal grandmother became a descendant offering sacrifice to his ancestors. The reason why Gwon, Chen-kyun looked after the tomb of Yongin Lee clan was also Gwon, Hwa(權和) became sonin-law who lives with his wife's family. Ojukhen is the showcase of finding the marriage and living manage in the early Joseon Dynasty. The most village of Buk-Pyeong(北坪村) in the Gangneung called by Yi, I's one's mother's parents' home. Since after, the place was changed as the clan village immediate family of Andong Kwang clan(安東權氏) of Gwon, Cheokyun of Chumilgong family(樞密公派). After 17C, there were social historic changings focused on relative group. Ojukhen was the start of changing the clan village. Ojukhen is cultural properties which showed inheritance, relative, marriage in the turning point of Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.27
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• pp.215-228
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• 1994

This study is to analyze the background and circumstances of the bibliographical description method appearing in the Hong-ssi Tok-so-rok, or an annotated classified bibliography of Korean and Chinese books edited for the Hongs and their clan. The conclusions are as follows. Each entries of the bibliography are entered under titles, and generally followed by bibliographic elements of volumes, written age, author's name, functional word of authorship, and annotation. The written age is stated by the dynasty name for the first authors within each classes. However some anonymous works and government compiled works are recorded the king's shrine name or the reign title. Entries of the bibliography are arranged by the chronological order in each classes. The writer's name is generally described by 'surname + given name'. However it is sometimes also recorded in the one of the following forms; Appellation (hao, 호) or posthumous title + surname + given name. Sumame + appellation or posthumous title + given name. Appellation ( (hao, 호) or posthumous title + sumame + Sonsaeng (선행) + given name. Sumame + government position title + given name. Appellation (hao, 호) + surname + cha(자, master). surname + ssi(씨). ect. Married women's names are stated by her husband's surname followed by the Chinese character 부 or 절부 which signifies wife or virtuous women, and then her given name. The works written or compiled by King's order (명찬서) are generally described in the form of 명제신+ functional word of authorship. Names of government agencies are occasionally stated as the authors' for the government publications or government compiled works. The functional words of authorship are described in the phrase of 소작야, 소편야 instead of 저, 찬, ect. It is more noticeable that in the case of the collections of individual writers' works the wording of 지문야, 지시야 is written after the name of the author. More complicated descriptive forms are seen in the entries of works for the shared authorship and mixed responsibility. Two or more than two monographic works of the same author classed in the same class are annotated all together.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.59
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• pp.325-357
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• 2015

Max Weber claimed that the clans as a self-sufficient community in traditional China had limited market development. His statement can be applied to the lineage groups of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ dynasty, however, it also could be criticized as an example of oversimplifying clans. Starting from this question, in this article, I examined the lineage movement of the P'ap'yong Yun's Nojongp'a branch. Through this research, I tried to investigate the reality of the lineage group communities of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$. My issues are following. First, the Nojongp'a clan promoted the solidarity movement of their lineage in the name of practicing human morality, which belonged to their family learning. Second, the Nojongp'a clan made preparations for their own 'righteous rice fields and grains', through which they tried to establish the base structure for the clan activities. This, however, had its own limitations in aiding the starved suffering from famines and did not last long. Third, the lineage could not function as a community for living that was actively involved in the reproduction of life, and was not an exclusive self-sufficient community, either.

• Lingua Humanitatis
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• v.7
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• pp.11-30
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• 2005

Historical origins of both personal names and place names in Korea are reviewed. It is shown that names of native origin have been largely replaced by those of Sino-Korean names. Some statistics are given on the basis of the 2000 census data in South Korea. A unique method of naming personal names which contain a generation marker called hangnyol is reviewed. This enables the person to figure out one's position and others in the family tree up to as many as ten generations without going consulting the book of genealogy. While this practice had a role to play in a vertically structured society where seniority is important, it is less practiced as the society is becoming more egalitarian, so that native names, not writable in Chinese characters, are on the rise. In this global age, a person is not just a member of his family or clan, s/he is also a member of the international community. The author proposes several things that should be considered in naming to fit the modern global age: euphony of names, ambiguity, possible bad connotations when Romanized, unintended homophones with comic meanings, etc.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.40-51
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• 2011

The purpose of the study was to understand the symbol and locational meanings in building and relocating Gwangje-jeong(光霽亭) through the analysis and interpretation on the construction background, history, the location and its characteristics. Concerning physical environment, human activities, the symbol and meanings of the formal Gwangje-jeong site and the present location, the study was concluded about the site and its meaning of tradition as following. Gwangje, the name of the pavilion, represents the fidelity of Maedang(梅堂) Yangdon(楊墩) who refused as Seonbee(a man of virtue) to be tainted with the corrupt world, which was related with the situation at that time. It implies Maedang's feeling of realizing Noojeongjeyong(樓亭題詠) of Gwangje-jeong along with the high spirit of Gwangpoongjewol(光風霽月). According to the record about rebuilding Gwangje-jeong, Maedang was the very person who planted plum flowers at the pavilion and put up the tablet of its name, Gwangje. Even after his death, Gwangje-jeong was the symbol indicating Yangdon, given the triple high ground and the planting of plum flowers. Also, Sookho(宿虎) town at the entrance of Gwangje-jeong and Bokhoam(伏虎巖: a rock) at the right side of the pavilion signifies the location for praising Maedang Yangdon, and the Yangjipha's Oensi(五言詩: five words verse) engraved on the rock gives a good description about the place, Agyesa that worshiped Yangdon. As Agye-Sa(阿溪祠) where Yangdon was worshiped and praised had been abolished in the 5th year under the Kojong's reign(1868), the spirit praising Maedang had finally been used for the relocation of Gwangje-jeong. Despite the relocation of Gwangje-jeong, the old Gwangje-jeong site has remained at least for 359years at Hucheonli, and its surroundings have maintained the name 'Gwangje' as the front place name morpheme, for example, 'Gwangje-jeong,' 'Gwangje Town,' 'Gwangje Bridge' and 'Gwangje Creek,' for symbolizing the praising of Maedang. Gwangje-jeong, as the center place of solidarity among Namwon Yang's family clan, has been able to maintain its symbol and meanings in spite of relocation, mainly because of the fellowship among the descendants, family clan and alumni who respected virtuous achievements of ancestors and shared the agony of the time. In addition, the symbolism has been preserved since the spirit of Gwangpoonjewol of Yangdon and his high character were cherished along with the spirit of Bongseon(奉先) that inherited and kept virtuous achievements of ancestors.

• Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.79-97
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• 2008

This paper is a study on the Bisotun relief of the Achaemenid Dynasty in ancient Persia. The Bisotun relief consists of the relief and the inscriptions which was completed through 7 phases. The inscriptions describe how King Darius suppressed the rebels in Elamite, Babili and ancient Persian languages. This relief is a work during the early Darius period and it describes using the traditions of Mesopotamia in terms of the theme and structure. In terms of structural features, it follows the typical features of the Assyrian arts, the beard and the shape of hair style. On the other hand, the smooth curves used to describe the creases of the clothes and the supple body was not a typical oriental feature. It was known to be because of Greek influence from their communications. It also showed the dressings of the clans that made up the Achaemenid Dynasty through the 9 rebellions wearing clothes unique to their clan and the inscription that was inscribed with the name of the clans. The clothing and ornaments they were wearing can be divided into two groups, the clans that wore one-piece style Persian dress and clans that wore tunic jackets and trousers which is a typical dressing style of the nomads.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.2
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• pp.20-31
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• 2014

This thesis aims to how Seo Ye-won(徐禮元) who was the main character of Yukjeollyeo(六節閭) which means tangible cultural properties can receive Jeongnyeo(旌閭) and when he received it clearly. Also this thesis concentrates on why the name of 'Yukjeollyeo' was used even if there are five Jeongnyeos in the Yukjeollyeo. Lastly, this thesis also focuses on the people related to YookJeol. Seo Ye-won passed away with his family in 1593 when he acted as a head of local administration. In that time, the Jinjuseong(晉州城) battle was originated from Korea-Japan war(1592). After his death, Hoengseong(橫城) family(門中) and Confucian scholar made petition for administration in 1811. As a result Seo Ye-won and his wife Lady Lee of the Jeonju-Lee clan(全州李氏) were celebrated as the Jeongnyeo and Jeongyeogak was built in 1817. And his son(Seo Gye-seong:徐繼聖), Seo Gye-seong's wife Lady Noh of the Pungcheon-Noh clan(豊川盧氏), Seo Ye-won's daughter who were not married also could receive Jeongnyeo as Hoengseong family and confucian scholar made additional petition for administration in 1832. For these reasons, Jeongnyeogak(旌閭閣) was called 'Ojeongnyeo(五旌閭)'. After that, Miryang(密陽) family wanted to move it because Seon Ye-won is not the eldest son in the Hoengseoung family. But it could not be enforced and they made a new Yeokak(閭閣) and called 'Yukjeollyeo'. From that time to 1945, the name of Jeongnyeo in the Hoengseong had been still used 'OjeongYeo' and the signboard of Yukjeollyeo was hanged in Jeongnyeo in Hoengseong after 1945. Although there are five people who can get prize of Jeongnyeo, the reason why the name of 'YookJeol' is to memorize the loyalty of Seo Gye-cheol(徐繼哲) who was Seo Ye-won's second son. Hoengseong family made a representation to the government in order to made Seo Gye-cheol receive Jeongnyeo but he could not be celebrated. For these reasons, the loalty of Seo Gye-cheol with five people who received Jeongnyeo has been celebrated as 'YukJeol'. Through this study we could find the record of Yukjeollyeo and historic point clearly.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.50
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• pp.7-28
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• 2013

The present study examines some essays by Yi Seol (李?, 1850-1906; pen name Bogam), a government official at the end of the Joseon Dynasty. Written in Classical Chinese, the essays are contained in The Collected Essays of Bogam (Bogam munjib). The study begins with a brief review on the Yeonan Yi Clan to which the official's family belonged, and then on his personal life history. The study goes on to analyze the contents of Yi's essays, which are classified into two themes: 1) his affirmation of the contemporary idea that saw the world as divided into the Chinese and the Barbarians, which justified and reinforced his resistance against Japan; and 2) his views on how to regain social stability. Concerning the former theme, Yi asserts that Joseon should not betray Qing China and should purge his nation of Japanese influence. Naming Japan as the evil enemy of Joseon, Yi expresses his firm resistance against the neighboring nation. As for the latter theme, his essays put forth an array of suggestions on how to disband the Donghak rebels, who emerged at the end of Joseon, and how to restore people displaced in the aftermath of social uprising. Although the suggestions are mostly general ones, he repeatedly stresses the importance of social stability in some of his essays addressed to the king.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Computer Information Conference
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• 2016.07a
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• pp.141-143
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• 2016

2016년 5월 19일 대법원은 전원합의체판결에서 부동산 매수자가 본인 명의로 소유권이전등기를 하지 않고 등기를 매도인에게서 직접 명의수탁자로 이전하는 제3자간 명의신탁(중간생략등기형 명의신탁)의 경우 명의수탁자가 신탁부동산을 임의로 처분하여도 형사처벌를 할 수 없다는 판결을 하였다. 본 논문에서는 민법과 형법의 교차영역인 명의신탁에서 민사사건의 형사화를 지양했다는 점에서 긍정적인 평가를 하지만 이에 따른 관련법의 정비를 통한 법개정을 제안한다. 즉, 명의신탁에 관한 법제 간 모순을 극복하기 위해 '부동산 실권리자명의 등기에 관한 법률'의 개정이 요구된다. 또한 부동산소유자가 그 등기명의를 타인에게 신탁하기로 하는 명의신탁약정을 맺고 그 등기명의를 명의수탁자에게 이전하는 소위 2자간 명의신탁의 경우도 비범죄화를 함으로써 법체계의 논리성과 통일성을 확보할 필요가 있다.