• Computers and Concrete
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.1-12
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• 2021

This work presents a safety assessment of an underground tunnel subjected to a ballistic missile attack employing the numerical approach. For the impact simulation, a box shaped reinforced concrete (RC) structure with a cross section dimension of 8.0×10.0 m under a soil layer that was attacked by a SCUD missile was modeled using finite element (FE) software LS-DYNA. SCUD missile is one of a series of tactical ballistic missiles developed by Soviet Union during the Cold War, which is adopted for a short-range ballistic missile. The developed FE simulation for the penetration depth of the missile impacting into the soil structure was verified from the well-known formula of the penetration prediction. The soil-structure interaction, the soil type, and the impact missile velocity effects on the penetration depth of the missile into the different soil types were investigated. The safety assessment of the underground tunnel was performed with regard to the different depths of the underground tunnel. For each missile velocity and soil type, a specific depth called the unsafe depth was obtained from the analysis results. The structure beneath the soil beyond this depth remains safe. The unsafe depth was found to be increased with the increasing missile velocity.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.4
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• pp.203-239
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• 2006

As it is known, during the Second World War Greece has fought on the side of the allies and the end of the war found the country on the winners' side. However, the struggle for authority right after 1945 was merciless and extremely difficult, as well as dangerous for the course of the country to the future. The political powers were divided between the legal authorities that were represented by the king and formed the exiled government on the one hand and the part of the resistance teams and the rebels of the left that had a soviet friendly direction on the other. Thus, the start of a civil war was just a matter of time. It fin ally started in 1947 and lasted for more than two years. The consequences were disastrous for the country's economy and decisive for the future course of Greece. The national army prevailed with the help of, mostly, the English. Royal parliamentary democracy was established with a clear political turn to the west, as a completion and adaptation of the Agreement of the Great Powers at Yalta. Art had a 'similar' route. Dipolar, contradictory: conservative choices on the one side, and a will for pioneering inspiration and perspective on the other side. The 'dominate' trend was first evident in sculpture and mainly in the public monuments. Their construction aimed mostly at the public propaganda and at the promotion of the sovereign ideology. On the one side we have the public sculptures composed of faces of contemporary heroes or leading figures of the civic war and the national resistance. On the other side we have monumental statues mainly that appeal to a 'public' outside of the country's borders and mostly of the north borders, where there are countries with a communistic regime, like Bulgaria, Serbia and Albania. Their subject is derived from the heroic events of the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) and ancient historical figures like Alexander the Great as the Greek army leader, his father, Philippos II and Aristotle, who was of a north-Greek origin. The political message is twofold: on the one side the 'inner enemy' the communists that were defeated and the promotion of the new liberal social system and on the other side the north neighbours, which not only represent the East Block, but they also conspire the history and the culture of the Greeks. This is the way how the 'Cold War' was resulted in a full and totalitarian expression in art.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.127-165
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• 2014

This article regards the phase of political confrontations in Thailand and Burma as a prolonged and inconclusive political struggle between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces. It argues that in Thai case, anti-monarchy constitutional revolution has led to a right-wing national revolution based on state nationalism consolidating capitalist economic system by Sarit's military coup, while in Burmese case, anti-British imperialism movement in colonial era has resulted in a left-wing national revolution grounded on state nationalism associating with socialist economic system by Ne Win's military coup. It is also interesting to note that the two cases experienced state nationalism denying autonomous civil society as a process of nation-building in spite of their contrasting ideologies. In both cases, it became inevitable to have national revolution forces clinging to official nationalism and state nationalism confronting with civil revolution forces seeking popular nationalism and liberal nationalism. In particular, unlike Burmese society, Thai society, without colonial history has never experienced a civil war mobilizing anti-colonial popular nationalism including ethnic revolt. This article considers Dankwart Rustow's argument that national unity as a background condition must precede all the other phases of democratization, but that otherwise its timing is irrelevant. In this context, Thai democratization without national unity which began earlier than Burmese is taking a backward step. For the time being, there would be no solution map to overcome severe political polarization between the right-wing national revolution forces defending official nationalism cum state nationalism and the civil revolution forces trying to go beyond official nationalism towards popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism. In contrast, paradoxically belated Burmese democratization has just taken a big leap in escaping from serious and inconclusive nature of political struggle between the left-wing national revolution forces to defend official nationalism cum state nationalism and civil revolution based on popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism towards a reconciliation phase in order to seek solutions for internal conflicts. The two case studies imply that national unity is not a background condition, but a consequence of the process of political polarization and reconciliation between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.50-67
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• 2018

Heritage has entered the center stage of public diplomacy in East Asia. Competition to claim and interpret memories of World War II in East Asia has driven campaigns to list heritage items with UNESCO. State and non-state actors aim to use heritage listings to present a particular view of the war and related history to domestic and international audiences. This paper highlights the role of heritage soft power in East Asia's "memory contests" by examining the promotion of dissonant modern heritage in UNESCO's heritage programs. It conceptualizes heritage designation as a soft power resource in East Asia and presents a conceptual framework for understanding the hegemonic competition over the "memory regime" that emerged from the structural change in East Asia's regional order. It then uses this framework to analyze the processes by which state and non-state actors promote and/or object to UNESCO recognition of their sites and documents as heritage of outstanding universal value or world significance. The elements of this process are illustrated with case studies of two very different pieces of heritage, Japan's "Sites of the Meiji Industrial Revolution" and China's "Documents of Nanjing Massacre," which were enshrined as significant world heritage in 2015. While state and non-state actors in East Asia are increasingly recognizing the utility of heritage as a soft power resource for advancing specific historical narratives to an international audience, a backlash movement from civil society groups and governments in other countries prevents a purely unilateral interpretation. As a result, the utility of heritage soft power in this context must be significantly qualified.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.51 no.1
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• pp.129-143
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• 2001

Particular historic events such as revolution and wars have given rise to fashion. Luxurious costume representative of the aristocratic culture since the French Revolution was changed into popular look with the collapse of the royal regime. With the restoration of the royal regime by Napoleon, rapid changes associated with the reemergence of the costume of aristocratic brought an opportunity for the revolutionary fashion of bringing about new fashion in the fashion field. Especially, the New Look Presented by Christian Dior in 1947 shortly after the Second World War would be the typical style of revolutionary fashion. Accordingly, this study attempted to analyse the characteristics of new fashion regarding how new fashion occurred and developed in changes in revolutionary fashion after the Revolution and the War, in conjunction with the zeitgeist(time split) of rapid social changes. The ultimate purpose of this study was find out the significance of fashion as to how and why fashion changed in relation to the factors of changes in fashion in the history and create new future fashion by reinterpreting new aesthetic consciousness about the characteristic of new fashion found in changes in revolutionary fashion.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.147-182
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to examine the population changes in the nine Southeast Asian countries, including Cambodia, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Philippine, Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, Singapore, Vietnam, and Thailand. According to the demographic transition theory which described the transition from high birth and death rates to low birth and death rates, the demographic changes in less developed countries, including the Southeast Asian countries, follow the general pattern of the population changes that the Western countries had experienced. However, this theory does not consider the fact that the demographic behaviors such as fertility and mortality tend to be ethnocentric (or particular). Therefore, I examine in this paper both the generality and particularity of the population changes in the Southeast Asia . The analytic results are consistent with my assumptions. Every country in the Southeast Asia will soon reach the third phrase of the demographic transition and meet population ageing process. However, the timings arriving at the third phrase can differ. Singapore which is the most developed country had firstly passed through the demographic transition and the highest level of population ageing. Cambodia and Lao People's Democratic Republic, the least developed countries, will lastly arrive at the third phrase and the ageing society. In addition, among the three countries which had experienced war or civil war, only Cambodia had experienced babyboom.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.58 no.5
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• pp.881-901
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• 2012

Since 2006, heated debates have taken place on both sides of the Pacific over the historical accuracy of Yoko Kawashima Watkins's So Far from the Bamboo Grove, the "historical novel" that depicts the author's painful escape from the just-liberated Korean peninsula to Japan. This study re-visits the controversies that fired up not only the whole Korean society but also not a few Americans and the American press. However, unlike most previous Korean studies on this novel, this study mostly focuses on both the responses of Korean feminists and those of Americans and the American press to the issue. This paper argues that the Korean feminists, who criticized their male compatriots for their feverish reaction, have the same problem as their compatriots, that is, the problem of seeing through a binary perspective that drowns or blurs individual differences. A similar framework is found operating in the Boston Globe's articles on the same issue. This study proceeds to discuss the pitfalls of liberalism underlying the American parents' and the American civil organizations' defence of Watkins and analyzes their poor historical awareness. The conclusion of this study is that So Far from the Bamboo Grove, dictated by an ideological prolepsis, erroneously inscribes the Cold War in the geographical space of the pre-Cold-War Korean peninsula and, as a result, symptomatically participates in the United States' anti-Communist world view.

• Steel and Composite Structures
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.103-118
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• 2009

It has been reported that more than thirty five percent of steel bridges in the USA are structurally deficient because of structural degradations. The degraded structures need either full replacement or rehabilitation such that they are able to provide the required services for a longer period of time. The cost for repair in most cases is far less than the cost of replacement. Moreover, repair method generally takes less time than replacement and also reduces service interruption time. Modern advanced composites have been used in aerospace and automotive fields since World War II. In the recent past, because of the high strength-to-weight ratio and high stiffness-to-weight ratio, these composite materials have been introduced to civil engineering infrastructures primarily for repair and rehabilitation of concrete structures. However, only a few preliminary studies on repair of corroded steel structures using theses composite materials are reported in the literature available in the public domain. Thus, in this study, a series of laboratory tests was undertaken to evaluate the effectiveness of this repair method using carbon fiber reinforced polymer composite. The paper discusses the test method and test results obtained from these tests.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.4
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• pp.119-156
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• 2006

Now it is not useful the theory about civil-military relationship that have been analysed for power games between military and civilians Korean society is going on governance society managed by cooperating network of government, civilian society and business market These social change require for new context about civil-Military relationship. Military leadership must contribute desirable civil-military relationship This study will suggest the direction about military leadership for desirable civil-military relationship. Now political issues about military intervention to the government are almost settled, but the worry about complications between military and civilians exist in the part of low issues like policy-making. Another important issues is military leadership about the style of social-being. In recent years, social change is very complex and speedy like global networking and diversity, leadership environment also, changed like leadership paradigm shift. Military leadership must be examined from the principle to the context of social integration At the present age, individual soldier is citizen in uniformed. Also military leadership must to seek the principle in the citizen mind like citizenship. Another charactristics of present day military is influence of high technogy. For the high-tech war military need the transition about science and technology from the whole society. In the context of above the development of military leadership are suggested as follows. First, the development of military control leadership must besought to the context of cooperation between government and military. Government must provide the system to strengthen military professionals in the process of policy-making about national security Second, military leadership must embody the important social values through the advanced military making, Third, military leadership must provide the adaptability to the society through the military education of their soldiers Forth, military leadership must be contributed to the social integration and to the growing up individual soldiers like their socialization and their achievement. Five, an important subject of military leadership is the creation of desirable military culture through the harmony of social culture and military culture.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.71
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• pp.116-154
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• 2015

Officially given a historical signifier as Gwangju Democratic Movement since 1987, far-right and conservative group have restated that $5{\cdot}18$ is a rebellion and a riot that was committed by rebellious elements who obeyed North Korea's command or who were connected with North Korea. As those who had been responsible for the rebellion, revolt and riot were rewarded, far-right and conservatives' collective narrative that a country was born where the pro-North Korea left became dominated aroused extreme hostility towards $5{\cdot}18$. Far-right and conservatives involved in many different fields such as political party, university, press and media and civil group carry out incendiary discourse politics with intention to reestablish history and memory of $5{\cdot}18$ in their own story. Many people at online sites such as Ilbe Storehouse who are considered 'young right wing' is a main route to spread the far-right groups' remarks on $5{\cdot}18$. Ilbe is a main channel to reconstitute and reproduce the far-right conservatives' remarks and information on $5{\cdot}18$. Ilbe is one of main area where remarks of disparagement and ridicule, hostility and hatred on $5{\cdot}18$ unfurl. This study collects $5{\cdot}18$-related remarks and stories unfolded at Ilbe and examines how these remarks and stories make significance as to $5{\cdot}18$ and how information resources which remarks are dependent upon are connected each other. In this process, this study intends to find implications of incendiary politics that echoed of remarks on $5{\cdot}18$ have which at the online site Ilbe and by the far-right conservatives.